3-digit lottery As the results of the 2024 US presidential election began to roll in, revealing a dramatic shift in the nation’s political landscape, I sat with a colleague to unpack what had unfolded. What started as an analytical conversation soon devolved into a blame game. My colleague pointed fingers at non-college-educated voters, Palestinian supporters and Latino working-class communities—everyone but the root of the problem: White liberals. When I called out their blind spots—arguing that the election outcome was not merely a reflection of voting patterns but of deeper failures like the abandonment of the working class, an overemphasis on Trump as a threat to democracy rather than tangible solutions, the ongoing genocide in Gaza and the stark reality that White women had overwhelmingly voted for Donald Trump—their response stunned me. My White colleague, unfazed, looked me dead in the eye and said, “As a born-and-bred American, I feel trapped in a bad marriage. They thought Trump would bring peace to Gaza. Look at what they have done. I am a liberal—always have been—but now I am considering leaving America. At least you have a place to go.” As an immigrant and a woman of colour, the sharp comment wrapped in White privilege hit like a dagger, but it also encapsulated why the Democratic Party’s losses were so devastating—thanks, in large part, to the failures of a key segment of its base: White liberals. Often buoyed by a sense of moral superiority, this group had grossly misjudged the political terrain. They clung to optimism fuelled by grassroots successes and the resurgence of issues like climate change, economic inequality and reproductive rights. Yet, as the votes came in, it became glaringly apparent that this optimism was misplaced. The 2024 election, like those before, served as a brutal reminder: ideology alone doesn’t shape the political landscape. It is moulded by the lived experiences, needs and desires of a broad, diverse electorate—something too many White liberals continue to overlook. The majority of White liberals continue to inhabit a powerful echo chamber where they engage with others who share similar values, opinions and experiences. For them, the world is often neatly divided into progressive versus regressive and virtuous versus ignorant. They see their candidates through the lens of moral righteousness, framing the political struggle as one of “good” versus “evil”. While such moral clarity can be invigorating, it is also perilous. This worldview often neglects the complexities and contradictions that define American society, particularly the challenges faced by working-class Americans, rural populations and voters of colour. In the 2024 election, these oversimplifications contributed to the erosion of support in key battleground states, which had previously been the Democratic strongholds—Michigan, Wisconsin and Pennsylvania. The results mirrored those of 2016 in several alarming ways. While Kamala Harris had campaigned on progressive values, tapping into the anger and frustration stemming from the US Supreme Court’s decision to overturn Roe v. Wade, many voters—especially White women—reverted to familiar allegiances with the Republican Party. In 2016, Hillary Clinton’s candidacy was heralded as a groundbreaking moment for women in politics. Yet, her defeat to Trump was a stark reminder of how fragile progress can be. Despite her credentials and experience, Clinton failed to resonate with significant segments of the electorate. White women, in particular, played a pivotal role in Trump’s victory, voting for him in numbers that surprised many analysts. This phenomenon was often attributed to a mix of socio-economic factors, cultural identity and a refusal to embrace a candidate perceived as a continuation of the establishment. Fast forward to 2024, and a similar pattern emerged. Harris, while advocating for women’s rights and attempting to galvanise the base around shared values, fell short in addressing the complexities of White women’s political behaviour. Many of these voters, disillusioned by the perceived extremism of progressive platforms and the failures of the Democratic establishment, leaned toward Trump. One of the more perplexing aspects of Harris’ campaign rhetoric was her attempt to court suburban Republican women, particularly those disillusioned with Trump’s leadership. In theory, these voters could have been persuaded to support Harris if she had appealed to their desire for stability and civility and their frustration with Trump’s abrasive style. This strategy was epitomised by the inclusion of former Republican Congresswoman Liz Cheney as a potential symbol of crossover appeal. Cheney, who had publicly broken with Trump over his role in the January 6 Capitol riot, was seen as a figure who could bridge the divide between moderate Republicans and Democrats. The hope was that Cheney’s prominence in the anti-Trump movement could sway suburban Republican women into voting for Harris, even if it meant defying their Republican-leaning spouses. In reality, this strategy did not materialise as expected. Despite Harris’s efforts to connect with moderate Republicans, particularly suburban women, the election saw a significant gender gap. While some suburban women defected from Trump, the overall trend among White women remained mainly in the former president’s favour. According to exit polls, a majority of White women—around 53%—voted for Trump, compared to 47% who voted for Harris. This result was surprising given that Harris, as the first woman of colour on a major party ticket, was expected to draw strong support from women, particularly those who had become disillusioned with Trump’s misogynistic rhetoric and behaviour. In retrospect, the attempt to lure suburban Republican women away from Trump by focusing on his personal deficiencies rather than on tangible policy solutions was an overly simplistic approach. The lessons from both the 2016 and 2024 elections are stark. White liberals, in their eagerness, often failed to engage with the realities of the voters they sought to mobilise. Assumptions about shared values, particularly among White women, proved dangerous and oversimplified. This demographic, often viewed through identity politics, is not monolithic; their decisions are influenced by many factors, including race, class and regional identity. The fallout from the Dobbs decision, which overturned Roe v. Wade, created a complex emotional landscape for many women. While reproductive rights were a critical issue; they were not the sole determinant of political allegiance. The overwhelming support for Trump, even in the wake of anti-abortion rulings, suggests that many women are grappling with conflicting loyalties—between their rights and a perceived cultural identity. For many, this creates a sense of betrayal, as the very rights women fought for are increasingly under siege. The challenge for liberals is not merely to mobilise around these rights but to foster an environment where women feel empowered to make decisions based on their unique circumstances and values. This requires a radical shift in framing the conversation and moving beyond a binary narrative of good versus evil. One of Harris’ most significant failures during the 2024 campaign was her failure to adequately address the deep economic struggles facing millions of American working-class families. In many ways, her rhetoric mirrored that of her predecessor, Hillary Clinton, whose infamous characterisation of certain working-class voters as “deplorables” in the 2016 election alienated large swathes of the electorate. By failing to recognise the struggles of these voters, Clinton inadvertently fuelled resentment and disengagement from the political system, particularly in rural and industrial areas where economic dislocation and job insecurity were paramount concerns. Harris, too, missed the opportunity to connect with voters based on economic hardship. Instead of articulating a concrete agenda that could improve the lives of working-class Americans, much of her rhetoric was centred around the spectre of Donald Trump. While this approach successfully consolidated the anti-Trump vote, it did little to address the pressing issues that voters cared most about, such as healthcare, labour rights, affordable childcare and wage stagnation. At a time when workers across America were grappling with job insecurity, rising healthcare costs and a lack of affordable childcare options, Harris had an opportunity to present a bold, progressive vision for strengthening the rights and well-being of American workers. Instead of delivering a message about how her policies could improve the material conditions of ordinary Americans, Harris spent a significant portion of her campaign warning about the existential threat of Trump’s policies. While it was essential to critique Trump’s failure to shift the focus to concrete solutions for working-class families, it was a glaring missed opportunity. The sentiment was echoed by Senator Bernie Sanders, who issued a pointed critique of the Democratic Party, accusing it of abandoning the very working-class people who once formed the backbone of its support. In his statement, Sanders argued that it was no surprise that many working-class Americans had turned away from the party, given its failure to address their needs. He accused the Democratic Party of being complicit in defending the status quo—a status quo that is no longer tenable in a nation where growing inequality and economic hardship are defining the lives of millions. Sanders emphasised the widespread anger among Americans, particularly the working class, who are fed up with a political system that seems more concerned with preserving the interests of the wealthy elite than enacting meaningful change. He also warned that the US is rapidly heading toward an oligarchy, where a handful of the richest individuals and corporations exert disproportionate control over the economy and politics. Meanwhile, most Americans—nearly 60%—live pay cheque to pay cheque, struggling to make ends meet in an economy that increasingly benefits only the wealthiest citizens. The 2024 US presidential election results should serve as a potent reminder that White liberals need to learn to listen, engage and adjust to the complexities of a nation that is far more diverse in its needs and concerns than they often acknowledge. The election revealed the limits of politics driven by identity and cultural issues, particularly at the expense of economic and material concerns. If the Democratic Party and White liberals are to regain relevance and build a genuinely inclusive coalition, they must move beyond the echo chambers of their progressive enclaves and understand the lived realities of those who do not share their privileged positions. In the years ahead, White liberals will have to recognise that the fight for social justice cannot be waged in isolation. If they are to win back the support of the electorate and restore the power of the Democratic Party, they must recognise that the solutions to America are not one-size-fits-all. They need to embrace a politics of empathy, inclusion and practical solutions to the real issues faced by voters across the nation. Souzeina Mushtaq is Assistant Professor of Journalism at the University of Wisconsin-River FallsLeslie's (LESL) Reports Q3: Everything You Need To Know Ahead Of EarningsCompanies tighten security after a health care CEO's killing leads to a surge of threatsNASSAU, Bahamas (AP) — Alyssa Ustby and Lexi Donarski scored 14 points apiece, and Ustby added 14 rebounds to lead No. 16 North Carolina to a 53-36 victory over Villanova in a semifinal game at the Women's Battle 4 Atlantis on Sunday. The Tar Heels (5-1) play Indiana in the championship game on Monday. The Hoosiers upset No. 18 Baylor 73-65 in Sunday's first semifinal.

The Montana Supreme Court temporarily blocked a ban on transgender medical procedures for minors this week, diverging from a growing national and international trend to restrict such treatments. The ruling comes as the U.S. Supreme Court seems poised to uphold a similar law from Tennessee and as the United Kingdom made efforts this week to ban minors from undergoing such treatments. Justice Beth Baker authored the majority opinion Wednesday, justifying her decision on the basis that the Montana constitution provides robust rights to privacy in medical decision-making. The law in question, Senate Bill 99, prevents "lawful medications and procedures administered by competent and licensed health care providers,” Baker wrote, finding that the law infringes on the ability of minors, their parents, and physicians to make individualized medical decisions. Baker's opinion was joined by five other justices, and one other, Justice Jim Rice, offered a concurrence and a dissent from her majority ruling. Baker also noted that the plaintiffs presented sufficient evidence of potential harm to justify blocking the law. "SB 99 affords no room for decision-making by a patient in consultation with their doctors and parents," she wrote. "The statute is a complete ban, prohibiting individualized care tailored to the needs of each patient based on the exercise of professional medical judgment and informed consent." Lone dissent warns about shifting medical and legal grounds Rice concurred in part with the majority but dissented on specific provisions, particularly regarding Medicaid funding. Rice argued that the state’s prohibition on using Medicaid funds for transgender procedures should be allowed to take effect during the legal proceedings. “There is no current federal mandate for Medicaid funding of transgender procedures,” Rice wrote, adding that funding decisions are within the legislature’s constitutional authority and should be subject only to rational basis review. Rice also expressed concern about the court’s broader reasoning, stating, “The medical and legal grounds regarding the subject treatment of minors addressed by SB 99 are moving under our feet.” He noted recent national and international developments questioning the medical benefits and long-term implications of these treatments. International and national developments on transgender procedures for minors The British government this week indefinitely banned the prescription of puberty blockers for individuals under 18 who identify as transgender. This decision follows a determination by the independent Commission on Human Medicines, which deemed these treatments an “unacceptable safety risk” for children and adolescents. Health Secretary Wes Streeting emphasized the lack of evidence supporting the safety and efficacy of these medications, stating, “It is a scandal that medicine was given to vulnerable young children without proof that it is safe or effective.” The closure of the Tavistock and Portman NHS Trust, the country’s leading gender clinic, earlier this year due to safety concerns preceded this ban. A review led by Dr. Hilary Cass found that the benefits of puberty-suppressing hormones were “remarkably weak,” prompting the government to extend the ban to both NHS and private clinics. In Washington, D.C., the House of Representatives this week approved an $895 billion defense policy bill that includes a provision prohibiting transgender medical treatments for minors. The legislation bans the use of Defense Department funds or facilities to “perform or facilitate sex change surgeries” and restricts TRICARE, the military’s health insurance program, from covering puberty blockers, hormone therapy, or other medical interventions for people under 18. The bill passed with a bipartisan vote of 281-140, with 81 Democrats joining Republicans in favor. Several Democrats, including Rep. Adam Smith (D-WA), criticized the inclusion of the transgender treatment ban, arguing it denies essential medical care to minors dealing with gender dysphoria. These legislative measures in the U.K. and the United States signify a significant shift in policy regarding transgender procedures for minors, reflecting debates over medical ethics, child welfare, and individual rights. Broader legal and social implications The Montana Supreme Court's decision is the latest in a national wave of legal battles over transgender procedures for minors. SB 99, also known as the Youth Health Protection Act, was signed into law by Gov. Greg Gianforte (R-MT) in April 2023 and prohibited surgeries, hormone treatments, and puberty blockers for minors experiencing gender dysphoria. Supporters of the law, including groups such as the American Principles Project, view these restrictions as critical safeguards for children. “Despite their attempts to gaslight the country into believing that this dangerous medical malpractice is somehow ‘life-saving care,’ more and more states are seeing through the lies,” American Principles Project President Terry Schilling said at the time of the law’s passage. Opponents, including the American Civil Liberties Union of Montana, argue the law infringes on private medical decisions. ACLU of Montana executive director Akilah Deernose said the state Supreme Court's ruling brought a momentary "sigh of relief." “But the fight for trans rights is far from over," Deernose said. "We will continue to push for the right of all Montanans, including those who are transgender, to be themselves and live their lives free of intrusive government interference.” What’s next The Montana district court injunction blocking SB 99 will remain in place while the case proceeds to a future trial on the merits at the Missoula County District Court. Meanwhile, the U.S. Supreme Court could issue a decision before the end of June 2025 surrounding the fate of Tennessee's similar law protecting minors from undergoing transgender procedures. The law bars minors from undergoing surgeries, cross-sex hormone treatments, or puberty blockers regardless of whether a doctor recommends such treatments or if parents consent to those procedures. The eventual ruling has the chance to affect roughly 24 states with similar laws on the books. Most states include carve-outs allowing minors to undergo treatments if they are experiencing conditions like early puberty. CLICK HERE TO READ MORE FROM THE WASHINGTON EXAMINER South Texas College of Law Houston professor Josh Blackman wrote for Reason last week that he believes the majority on the high court was "prepared to uphold" the Tennessee law. "There may even be seven votes for that outcome," Blackman wrote. "But as always, Justice [Elena] Kagan is in the middle, trying to broker a compromise that preserves future challenges for transgender litigants."

The Comptroller and Auditor General (CAG) of India has highlighted significant delays, violations, and lapses in the enforcement of the Coastal Regulation Zone (CRZ) Notification, 2011, in Tamil Nadu. In a report tabled in the Assembly recently, the CAG flagged issues ranging from delays in preparing crucial maps to unauthorised constructions and improper delegations of authority. It criticised the Tamil Nadu State Coastal Zone Management Authority (TNSCZMA) for delegating its responsibilities to local planning authorities and District Coastal Zone Management Authorities, in violation of the 2011 notification. From 2015 to 2022, the TNSCZMA directly approved 114 out of 175 projects without recommending them to the Ministry of Environment, Forest, and Climate Change or the State Environmental Impact Assessment Authority, among others, compromising the scrutiny process. According to the 2011 CRZ Notification, local-level Coastal Zone Management Plans (CZMP) were essential in monitoring and enforcing coastal regulations. However, despite the State government approving the preparation of local-level maps in 2017, the project faced a 30-month delay, and was completed only in mid-2022. This delay left the local authorities unable to enforce regulations, resulting in instances of unauthorised construction on CRZ areas. The report also flagged irregularities in granting CRZ clearances. As many as 23 projects involving effluent discharge were approved without obtaining mandatory No-Objection Certificates from the Tamil Nadu Pollution Control Board. There were also several violations in CRZ areas, including the unauthorised construction of a bridge at Nemmeli in Chengalpattu, a beach resort at Koovathur in Chengalpattu, and two cold storage units in Kanniyakumari. Additionally, authorities failed to take action against the dumping of chemical waste at CRZ areas in Marakkanam and an illegal, unapproved housing layout in the same region. The audit revealed inadequate surveillance of CRZ areas by the TNSCZMA, as required under the 2011 notification. Despite requests, the TNSCZMA did not provide CZMP shape files, prompting the CAG to use Google Earth imagery. Through this, 90 unauthorised constructions were identified in the No Development Zone across Chennai, Chengalpattu, and Thoothukudi. The TNSCZMA, relying on the Department of Environment’s workforce, lacked dedicated resources for effective monitoring, the CAG noted. Several violations, including construction of beach houses on the ECR, had escaped detection. The report also flagged the lack of local community representatives in District-level Coastal Authority, despite being mandated under the notification. Only four districts have complied with government instructions to include such representatives as of May 2023.In response, the government said that it had issued instructions to address these issues, and began reconstituting the DCZMAs. However, the audit deemed the government’s explanations unsatisfactory, and called for stricter adherence to the CRZ provisions and better use of technology to identify and penalise violations. Rahul Nadh, member secretary of TNSCZMA and Director of the Department of Environment, told The Hindu that many issues highlighted in the CAG report had been addressed over the past six months. While surveillance remained a challenge, efforts were under way to improve monitoring through satellite images. The local CZMP maps are nearly complete, he said, adding that the draft CZMP maps would be released within a month. Published - December 13, 2024 12:55 am IST Copy link Email Facebook Twitter Telegram LinkedIn WhatsApp RedditHouse approves $895B defense bill with military pay raise, ban on transgender care for minors

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