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None4-star QB Peyton Falzone decommits from Virginia Tech

ITV Emmerdale fans 'work out' Kim Tate 'exit' as Will Taylor bombshell is exposed

Boise State's legacy includes winning coaches and championship momentsSpecial counsel moves to abandon election interference and classified documents cases against TrumpNone

Zebra Technologies' chief accounting officer sells $75,979 in stockEvery day millions of people share more intimate information with their accessories than they do with their spouse.

Kelowna, Vernon teams crowned B.C. U18 curling champs in KimberleyApple announces "iPhone App of the Year" finalistsMikel Arteta urges Arsenal to become 'ruthless' and end Champions League away day hoodooYou might not have heard of Xpeng, but in 2025 that is set to change, as the decade-old Chinese car maker plans to bring five models of electric car to the UK. Already available in Australia, Hong Kong and Singapore – as well as European countries, including Norway and The Netherlands – Xpeng is a ten-year-old company based in Guangzhou, China. It currently produces seven different vehicles and intends to bring the G6 to the UK in March, potentially followed by four more models over the next three years. A rival to the immensely popular Tesla Model Y , the Xpeng G6 is a mid-size electric crossover packed with technology. Read on to learn everything we know so far about the Xpeng G6; this article will be updated as more information about the Chinese company’s UK expansion comes to light. Xpeng cars are already on sale in several European countries, including Denmark, Sweden, Belgium, Germany, France, Spain and Iceland, among others. The company confirmed in December 2024 that Xpeng plans to enter the UK market in early 2025, and cars will arrive in time for the new 25 registration plate in March. Xpeng (which is pronounced ex-peng) says its Tesla alternative will be imported by International Motors (IM Group), which also already sells cars by Subaru, Isuzu and GWM (Great Wall Motors), another Chinese car company. IM Group managing director William Brown explained to The Independent in December how “the plan is that we will launch the first model in March next year, which is the G6.” As of late-December, Xpeng has a UK website up-and-running, complete with images of right-hand-drive cars, but no mention of a specific release date for the UK. Also missing from Xpeng’s UK website is a price for the G6. Prices vary slightly across European markets, but as an example the G6 costs €43,000 in the Netherlands, which is about £35,700 at the time of writing. Crucially, that makes it €2,990 (£2,500) cheaper than the Tesla Model Y. We’ll be interested to see if the Xpeng G6 also undercuts the best-selling Tesla in the UK too. Speaking to The Independent in December, Brown recognised this key price difference. “In Europe [Xpeng has] priced it at five to eight per cent lower than the Tesla Model Y.” Brown also said how Xpeng will offer both standard and long-range versions of the G6. Those cars will be sold through 20 locations in IM Group’s UK retailer network. Xpeng’s UK website states how there will be three versions of the G6 sold here. These are called the RWD Standard Range, the RWD Long Range and the AWD Performance. Like many other electric cars, this means the G6 lineup will include a single-motor, rear-wheel-drive car with a standard battery, then the same car but with a larger battery, and a dual-motor, all-wheel-drive car with more power and the larger battery. The three models have power outputs of 258, 286 and 476 PS, and a 0-62 mph time of 6.6 seconds, 6.2 seconds and 4.1 seconds, respectively. All have a top speed of 124 mph. Range for the three models is 270 miles for the standard car, 354 miles for the long-range variant, and 341 miles for the more powerful AWD Performance model. All models of G6 use an 800-volt electrical system (instead of the 400-volts used by Tesla and most other EVs at this price range). This often unlocks the potential for ultra-fast charge speeds, however the entry-level G6 is limited to 215 kW, while the other two models offer a more impressive 280 kW maximum charge rate. The Xpeng G6 measures 4,753 x 1,920 x 1,650 mm and the wheelbase is 2,890 mm. It weighs 2,025 kg (or 2,210 kg for the AWD Performance) and has five seats. Inside, the G6 has a 15-inch central touchscreen display for the infotainment system, plus a 10.2-inch driver driver and a pair of 50-watt wireless phone chargers on the centre console. The digital displays run Xpeng’s own Xmart operating system and the XPILOT driver assistance technology. All models of Xpeng G6 come with 20-inch wheels, a panoramic glass roof, heated seats (and the front ones are also ventilated), plus a 960-watt sound system with 18 speakers. With the car already on sale in various countries, and due to land in the UK in the next few months, there are no new rumours to report. However, we will be interested to see if the UK specification of G6 differs at all from other markets, and of course we’re keen to learn the price. Just how much will Xpeng look to undercut the Tesla Model Y, which currently stands at £46,990? We should find out by March.

The Gophers have been working on a couple trick plays during closed practices in recent weeks. Unveiled Saturday, one worked to huge success and one didn’t pan out in a 26-25 loss to No. 4 Penn State. ADVERTISEMENT They busted out a double-reverse pass that resulted in a 21-yard touchdown from Max Brosmer to a wide open Jameson Geers in the first half to take a 17-10 lead at Huntington Bank Stadium. Then in the fourth quarter, the U called a throwback pass from Brosmer to left tackle Aireontae Ersery on second and goal from the 8-yard line. Brosmer intentionally threw it incomplete because Penn State’s All-America candidate, defensive end Abdul Carter, was waiting to make a tackle on the U’s athletic-but-massive lineman. “The reverse pass worked, so it’s a good call,” coach P.J. Fleck said postgame. “We were in the perfect defense for (the throwback pass). We practiced it all week. The only thing that they showed ... was pop (Carter) out. If he doesn’t pop out, there is nobody there. “It just didn’t come together,” Fleck continued. “It came together in practice. I love the call. I loved the look that we put it into. I would call it all over again based on the look that we had.” ADVERTISEMENT Brosmer shared that players were comfortable with the throwback call until Carter spoiled it. “Rather than taking a negative spot (by trying to complete it), we just went onto the next play,” Brosmer said. After the second trick play didn’t work, Brosmer’s third-down pass to Elijah Spencer fell incomplete and the U opted to kick a 26-yard field goal to make it 26-25 with five minutes left. “Kicking the field goal is the smart decision,” Fleck said. ADVERTISEMENT ______________________________________________________ This story was written by one of our partner news agencies. Forum Communications Company uses content from agencies such as Reuters, Kaiser Health News, Tribune News Service and others to provide a wider range of news to our readers. Learn more about the news services FCC uses here .

FORT MYERS, Fla. (AP) — Ahmad Robinson scored 25 points as Mercer beat Jacksonville 90-89 in overtime on Monday. Robinson had three steals for the Bears (3-3). Tyler Johnson scored 18 points while shooting 7 for 13 (0 for 4 from 3-point range) and 4 of 5 from the free-throw line and added five rebounds. Alex Holt had 14 points and finished 7 of 10 from the floor. The Dolphins (3-3) were led by Robert McCray, who recorded 20 points, eight rebounds, five assists and two steals. Kendall Munson added 14 points, six rebounds and two steals for Jacksonville. Zach Bell also had 13 points and two steals. The Associated Press created this story using technology provided by and data from .

That game had everything. Underdog Boise State took a 28-10 lead over one of college football's blue bloods that was followed by a 25-point Sooners run capped by what could have been a back-breaking interception return for a touchdown with 1:02 left. Then the Broncos used three trick plays that remain sensations to not only force overtime but win 43-42. And then there was the marriage proposal by Boise State running back Ian Johnson — shortly after scoring the winning two-point play — to cheerleader Chrissy Popadics that was accepted on national TV. That game put Broncos football on the national map for most fans, but looking back 18 years later, Petersen sees it differently. "Everybody wants to talk about that Oklahoma Fiesta Bowl game, which is great how it all worked out and all those things," Petersen said. "But we go back to play TCU (three years later) again on the big stage. It's not as flashy a game, but to me, that was an even better win." Going back to the Fiesta Bowl and winning, Petersen reasoned, showed the Broncos weren't a splash soon to fade away, that there was something longer lasting and more substantive happening on the famed blue turf. The winning has continued with few interruptions. No. 8 and third-seeded Boise State is preparing for another trip to the Fiesta Bowl, this time in a playoff quarterfinal against No. 5 and sixth-seeded Penn State on New Year's Eve. That success has continued through a series of coaches, though with a lot more of a common thread than readily apparent. Dirk Koetter was hired from Oregon, where Petersen was the wide receivers coach. Not only did Koetter bring Petersen with him to Oregon, Petersen introduced him to Dan Hawkins, who also was hired for the staff. So the transition from Koetter to Hawkins to Petersen ensured at least some level of consistency. Koetter and Hawkins engineered double-digit victory seasons five times over a six-year span that led to power-conference jobs. Koetter went to Arizona State after three seasons and Hawkins to Colorado after five. Then when Petersen became the coach after the 2005 season, he led Boise State to double-digit wins his first seven seasons and made bowls all eight years. He resisted the temptation to leave for a power-conference program until Washington lured him away toward the end of the 2013 season. Then former Boise State quarterback and offensive coordinator Bryan Harsin took over and posted five double-digit victory seasons over his first six years. After going 5-2 during the COVID-shortened 2020 season, he left for Auburn. "They just needed consistency of leadership," said Koetter, who is back as Boise State's offensive coordinator. "This program had always won at the junior-college level, the Division II level, the I-AA (now FCS) level." But Koetter referred to "an unfortunate chain of events" that made Boise State a reclamation project when he took over in 1998. Coach Pokey Allen led Boise State to the Division I-AA national championship game in 1994, but was diagnosed with cancer two days later. He died on Dec. 30, 1996, at 53. Allen coached the final two games that season, Boise State's first in Division I-A (now FBS). Houston Nutt became the coach in 1997, went 4-7 and headed to Arkansas. Then Koetter took over. "One coach dies and the other wasn't the right fit for this program," Koetter said. "Was a really good coach, did a lot of good things, but just wasn't a good fit for here." But because of Boise State's success at the lower levels, Koetter said the program was set up for success. "As Boise State has risen up the conference food chain, they've pretty much always been at the top from a player talent standpoint," Koetter said. "So it was fairly clear if we got things headed in the right direction and did a good job recruiting, we would be able to win within our conference for sure." Success didn't take long. He went 6-5 in 1998 and then won 10 games each of the following two seasons. Hawkins built on that winning and Petersen took it to another level. But there is one season, really one game, no really one half that still bugs Petersen. He thought his best team was in 2010, one that entered that late-November game at Nevada ranked No. 3 and had a legitimate chance to play for the national championship. The Colin Kaepernick-led Wolf Pack won 34-31. "I think the best team that I might've been a part of as the head coach was the team that lost one game to Nevada," Petersen said. "That team, to me, played one poor half of football on offense the entire season. We were winning by a bunch at half (24-7) and we came out and did nothing on offense in the second half and still had a chance to win. "That team would've done some damage." There aren't any what-ifs with this season's Boise State team. The Broncos are in the field of the first 12-team playoff, representing the Group of Five as its highest-ranked conference champion. That got Boise State a bye into the quarterfinals. Spencer Danielson has restored the championship-level play after taking over as the interim coach late last season during a rare downturn that led to Andy Avalos' dismissal. Danielson received the job full time after leading Boise State to the Mountain West championship. Now the Broncos are 12-1 with their only defeat to top-ranked and No. 1 seed Oregon on a last-second field goal. Running back Ashton Jeanty also was the runner-up to the Heisman Trophy. "Boise State has been built on the backs of years and years of success way before I got here," Danielson said. "So even this season is not because of me. It's because the group of young men wanted to leave a legacy, be different. We haven't been to the Fiesta Bowl in a decade. They said in January, 'We're going to get that done.' They went to work." As was the case with Danielson, Petersen and Koetter said attracting top talent is the primary reason Boise State has succeeded all these years. Winning, obviously, is the driving force, and with more entry points to the playoffs, the Broncos could make opportunities to keep returning to the postseason a selling point. But there's also something about the blue carpet. Petersen said he didn't get what it was about when he arrived as an assistant coach, and there was some talk about replacing it with more conventional green grass. A poll in the Idaho Statesman was completely against that idea, and Petersen has come to appreciate what that field means to the program. "It's a cumulative period of time where young kids see big-time games when they're in seventh and eighth and ninth and 10th grade and go, 'Oh, I know that blue turf. I want to go there,'" Petersen said.The Prime Minister said the season was a time to remember the importance of “being there for one another”, including in “the more difficult times”. He also expressed hope for “peace, particularly in the Middle East as the birthplace of the Christmas story” amid spiralling conflict across the region. The message comes after a challenging first five months in office for the Labour Government and against the backdrop of a flatlining economy and rising inflation. Sir Keir said: “This Christmas, people will be travelling up and down the country. Heading home, visiting relatives and loved ones to celebrate together the hope and joy of this special season. “It’s a time to remind ourselves what’s really important. Family. Friendship. And fellowship between all people. “Being there for one another – in these celebrations, as well as the more difficult times.” To our military and veterans, the whole nation thanks you for the sacrifices you make to keep us safe. My government will serve you as you have served your country. I wish you and your families a very happy Christmas and a peaceful New Year. pic.twitter.com/LphMZog6np — Keir Starmer (@Keir_Starmer) December 22, 2024 The Prime Minister sought to strike an optimistic note following another year of political upheaval for Britain, which saw Labour win a landslide victory after a surprise election called by Rishi Sunak in the summer. After taking office in July, the new Government made a series of unpopular decisions as ministers confronted the realities of creaking public services and strained national finances. As well as dealing with the economic inheritance, Sir Keir said he needed to fix a “broken society” which manifested itself in summer riots across the country after the Southport knife attack. Sir Keir said: “This Christmas, I will be hoping for peace, particularly in the Middle East as the birthplace of the Christmas story. “I’ll be looking towards a better, brighter future for every person and celebrating the joy and wonder that Christmas brings. “So, from my family to yours, I hope you have a very merry Christmas.” The message comes after revised official figures released on Monday indicated that UK gross domestic product (GDP) showed no growth between July and September. Downing Street defended the Government’s record so far when asked about the data, telling reporters: “We had to take those tough decisions to lay the foundations of growth such that we can then deliver the higher living standards over this Parliament that people want to see.” The Prime Minister also used his message to thank those spending Christmas serving others, including in the NHS and emergency services, the armed forces, churches and charities. “I know that this is not an easy time for everyone, and my thoughts are with all those who are lonely this Christmas. “Having a tough time, missing a loved one. You are not alone,” he said. Meanwhile, Kemi Badenoch said Christmas was a time to reflect on “all that’s happened in the year” and “support all of those people who need our assistance”. “I want to take this opportunity to say thank you to everyone, not just in the Conservative Party or in my constituency, but across the country,” the Tory leader said. “For all that you have been doing in your communities, supporting each other and helping to keep all our towns, villages and places going. “I think that Christmas is a time for us to reflect on all that’s happened in the year. “Sometimes we have amazing years. “Sometimes, like when I lost my dad, we have difficult years and we’re commiserating, but we do it together. “But it’s a time for us to support all of those people who need our assistance, who need our help, who need our support.” She added: “And I’m looking forward to 2025. “I wish you all the very best for the New Year and all of the exciting things to come.” Liberal Democrat leader Sir Ed Davey said: “This year, I’ve had the chance to spend time with some amazing young carers. “Incredible young people who will spend this Christmas doing what they do all year round; looking after loved ones who are ill or disabled. “Carers embody the Christmas spirit of love, selflessness and generosity. “So I hope we can all take some time to think of them, and keep them in our hearts. “And wish them – and everyone – a Christmas full of peace, joy and love.”More than 3.5 years after the Myanmar military (Tatmadaw) attempted to seize control of the country through a coup, the Japanese government continues to provide Official Development Assistance (ODA) and public funds that benefit the military junta. Despite the sacrifices of the Myanmar people to end the Myanmar military's decades-long oppression, Japan's "assistance" risks burdening survivors with enormous loans that potentially enable the military to continue its atrocities against the very people it is meant to aid. Since the 2021 coup, Japan's response has been limited to expressing "grave concerns" and calling for the release of detained leaders like Aung San Suu Kyi. While Western countries imposed sanctions, Japan has taken hardly any punitive measures, showing leniency in the face of increasing its atrocities. Like many countries, it supports international development through grants, loans and technical assistance. However, Japan favours providing aid in the form of bilateral loans, a method that constitutes a higher proportion compared to other donor countries that mostly offer grants. Within the Development Assistance Committee (DAC) of the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development -- a key platform where the world's major donor countries discuss development aid issues -- Japan stands out as the largest provider of ODA loans. According to one study, from 1970 to 2020, among the 32 members of the DAC, Japan provided 71% of its bilateral aid in the form of loans, in stark contrast to the 22% provided by other DAC members. Japan's reliance on loaning aid even surpasses that of multilateral organisations, which provided 52% of their aid as loans. Japan's role as a major donor to Myanmar is a testament to its aid strategy. Over the past decade, Japan has loaned an enormous amount of aid to Myanmar, unmatched by any other country. In 2022, only Japan and Korea continued to disburse ODA aid loans to Myanmar, with Korea's contributions amounting to about 10% of Japan's volume. By 2020, Japan had lent a cumulative total of US$2.7 billion to Myanmar. Although no new ODA contracts have been signed since the coup, the finalisation of ongoing projects will increase Myanmar's debt to Japan by an additional $5.12 billion. Some of the projects funded by the sizable loan aid have been linked to Myanmar military's businesses. Yokogawa Bridge Corporation paid the Myanmar military-owned conglomerate, Myanmar Economic Corporation, for the Bago Bridge project. A UN fact-finding mission in Myanmar stated in 2019 that revenues from military-controlled businesses fund the military's atrocities. The Thilawa Special Economic Zone, backed by Japanese ODA, also risks entangling Japanese funds with the military since the chairperson of the zone's Management Committee was replaced by the military shortly after the coup. Other publicly-funded projects like the Y Complex Project have been linked to a venture that allows funds to flow to the Office of the Quartermaster General, which has been sanctioned by the United States, United Kingdom, European Union and Canada for its role in procuring arms and equipment for the military. Since the coup, the Myanmar military has killed over 5,400 people, burning villages to ashes, committing massacres, torture and sexual violence. It has intensified airstrikes across Myanmar, displacing over 3 million people. The survivors of these atrocities will be burdened with the enormous debt that could be funding the perpetrators. Despite statements in 2021 suggesting a potential review of ODA if the situation in Myanmar deteriorated, the Japanese government has continued its aid, seemingly prioritising concerns over potential losses for Japanese companies. During a hearing of the Committee on Audit on May 20, Foreign Minister Yoko Kamikawa stated, "If existing ODA is suspended and Japanese companies unilaterally terminate business contracts they have with counterpart institutions in the recipient countries, these companies may face demands for substantial penalties or could be subject to legal action. Therefore, a cautious approach is considered necessary". Instead of challenging the penalties and taking a firm stand on human rights, Japan appears more concerned with the interest of the companies involved in these projects. Despite Japan's lacklustre response to the crisis, many believe it can still influence change. Recently, a petition with over 11,500 signatures urged Japan to halt any aid benefiting the Myanmar military. A former Myanmar police officer now in Japan has called for a stronger stance from Japan, echoing sentiments expressed by many civil society organisations. The Spring Revolution, sparked by the military's 2021 attempt to grab power, is a historic, multi-faceted movement seeking to dismantle the military while building a federal democracy. Japan's loan aid could undermine these goals. As Japan marks 70 years of ODA, it is time to end ODA loans and public funds that support the Myanmar military. Yuka Kiguchi is the executive director of Mekong Watch -- a Japanese NGO based in Tokyo. Mekong Watch combines research and advocacy to address and prevent the negative environmental and social impacts of development in the Mekong Region.One night last month, near the end of the Chicago International Film Festival, a particularly long line of moviegoers snaked down Southport Avenue by the Music Box Theatre. The hot ticket? This fall’s hottest ticket, in fact, all over the international festival circuit? Well, it’s a 215-minute drama about a fictional Hungarian Jewish architect who emigrates to America in 1947 after surviving the Holocaust. The film’s title, “The Brutalist,” references several things, firstly a post-World War II design imperative made of stern concrete, steel, and a collision of poetry and functionality. Director and co-writer Brady Corbet, who wrote “The Brutalist” with his filmmaker wife, Mona Fastvold, explores brutalism in other forms as well, including love, envy, capitalist economics and how the promise of America eludes someone like the visionary architect László Tóth, played by Adrien Brody. Corbet, now 36 and a good bet for Oscar nominations this coming January, says his unfashionable sprawl of a picture, being distributed by A24, is also about the “strange relationship between artist and patron, and art and commerce.” It co-stars Felicity Jones as the visionary architect’s wife, Erzsébet, trapped in Eastern Europe after the war with their niece for an agonizingly long time. Guy Pearce portrays the imperious Philadelphia blueblood who hires Tóth, a near-invisible figure in his adopted country, to design a monumental public building known as the Institute in rural Pennsylvania. The project becomes an obsession, then a breaking point and then something else. Corbet’s project, which took the better part of a decade to come together after falling apart more than once, felt like that, too. Spanning five decades and filmed in Hungary and Italy, “The Brutalist” looks like a well-spent $50 million project. In actuality, it was made for a mere $10 million, with Corbet and cinematographer Lol Crawley shooting on film, largely in the VistaVision process. The filmmaker said at the Chicago festival screening: “Who woulda thunk that for screening after screening over the last couple of months, people stood in line around the block to get into a three-and-a-half-hour movie about a mid-century designer?” He lives in Brooklyn, New York, with Fastvold and their daughter. Our conversation has been edited for clarity and length. Q: Putting together an independent movie, keeping it on track, getting it made: not easy, as you told the Music Box audience last night. Money is inevitably going to be part of the story of “The Brutalist,” since you had only so much to make a far-flung historical epic. A: Yeah, that’s right. In relation to my earlier features, “The Childhood of a Leader” had a $3 million budget. The budget for “Vox Lux” was right around $10 million, same as “The Brutalist,” although the actual production budget for “Vox Lux” was about $4.5 million. Which is to say: All the money on top of that was going to all the wrong places. For a lot of reasons, when my wife and I finished the screenplay for “The Brutalist,” we ruled out scouting locations in Philadelphia or anywhere in the northeastern United States. We needed to (film) somewhere with a lot less red tape. My wife’s previous film, “The World to Come,” she made in Romania; we shot “Childhood of a Leader” in Hungary. For “The Brutalist” we initially landed on Poland, but this was early on in COVID and Poland shut its borders the week our crew was arriving for pre-production. When we finally got things up and running again with a different iteration of the cast (the original ensemble was to star Joel Edgerton, Marion Cotillard and Mark Rylance), after nine months, the movie fell apart again because Russia’s invasion of Ukraine. We couldn’t get any of the banks to cash-flow the tax credit (for location shooting in Poland). It’s completely stable now, but at that time the banks were nervous about whether the war would be contained to Ukraine or not. And then we finally got it up and running in Budapest, Hungary. Q: That’s a long time. A: Every filmmaker I know suffers from some form of post-traumatic stress (laughs). It sounds funny but it’s true. At every level. On the level of independent cinema, you’re just so damn poor. You’re not making any money, and yet from nose to tail, at minimum, a movie always takes a couple of years. With bigger projects, you might have a little more personal security but a lot less creative security with so many more cooks in the kitchen. Either route you choose, it can be an arduous and painful one. Whether you’re making a movie for a million dollars, or $10 million, or $100 million, it’s still “millions of dollars.” And if you’re concerned about the lives and livelihoods of the people working with you, it’s especially stressful. People are constantly calling you: “Is it happening? Are we starting? Should I take this other job or not?” And you have 250 people who need that answer from you. Every iteration of the project, I always thought we were really about to start in a week, two weeks. It’s just very challenging interpersonally. It’s an imposition for everyone in your life. And then there’s the imposition of screening a movie that’s three-and-a-half-hours long for film festivals, where it’s difficult to find that kind of real estate on the schedule. So essentially, making a movie means constantly apologizing. Q: At what point in your acting career did you take a strong interest in what was going on behind the camera? A: I was making short films when I was 11, 12 years old. The first thing I ever made more properly, I guess, was a short film I made when I was 18, “Protect You + Me,” shot by (cinematographer) Darius Khondji. It was supposed to be part of a triptych of films, and I went to Paris for the two films that followed it. And then all the financing fell through. But that first one screened at the London film festival, and won a prize at Sundance, and I was making music videos and other stuff by then. Q: You’ve written a lot of screenplays with your wife. How many? A: Probably 25. We work a lot for other people, too. I think we’ve done six together for our own projects. Sometimes I’ll start something at night and my wife will finish in the morning. Sometimes we work very closely together, talking and typing together. It’s always different. Right now I’m writing a lot on the road, and my wife is editing her film, which is a musical we wrote, “Ann Lee,” about the founder of the Shakers. I’m working on my next movie now, which spans a lot of time, like “The Brutalist,” with a lot of locations. And I need to make sure we can do it for not a lot of money, because it’s just not possible to have a lot of money and total autonomy. For me making a movie is like cooking. If everyone starts coming in and throwing a dash of this or that in the pot, it won’t work out. A continuity of vision is what I look for when I read a novel. Same with watching a film. A lot of stuff out there today, appropriately referred to as “content,” has more in common with a pair of Nikes than it does with narrative cinema. Q: Yeah, I can’t imagine a lot of Hollywood executives who’d sign off on “The Brutalist.” A: Well, even with our terrific producing team, I mean, everyone was up for a three-hour movie but we were sort of pushing it with three-and-a-half (laughs). I figured, worst-case scenario, it opens on a streamer. Not what I had in mind, but people watch stuff that’s eight, 12 hours long all the time. They get a cold, they watch four seasons of “Succession.” (A24 is releasing the film in theaters, gradually.) It was important for all of us to try to capture an entire century’s worth of thinking about design with “The Brutalist.” For me, making something means expressing a feeling I have about our history. I’ve described my films as poetic films about politics, that go to places politics alone cannot reach. It’s one thing to say something like “history repeats itself.” It’s another thing to make people see that, and feel it. I really want viewers to engage with the past, and the trauma of that history can be uncomfortable, or dusty, or dry. But if you can make it something vital, and tangible, the way great professors can do for their students, that’s my definition of success. “The Brutalist” opens in New York and Los Angeles on Dec. 20. The Chicago release is Jan. 10, 2025. Michael Phillips is a Tribune critic.

NEW ORLEANS — Ochai Agbaji and Jamison Battle each scored 24 points, and the Toronto Raptors won on the road for the first time this season, 119-93 over the hapless New Orleans Pelicans on Wednesday night. Djounte Murray returned from a fractured left hand that sidelined him for 17 games and looked rusty early. He finished with 14 points, but missed all seven of his first-half shots and shot 5 of 17 overall as the Pelicans lost their sixth straight game and 15th out of 17. CJ McCollum scored 19 points in his second game since returning from an adductor strain and missing 13 contests. RJ Barrett had 22 points and 11 assists for Toronto, which came in 0-10 on the road. Scottie Barnes added 17 points for the Raptors, who hit a season-high 21 3s. Agbaji went 6 of 7 from 3-point range and Battle went 6 for 8. Jeremiah Robinson-Earl had 14 points and 10 rebounds for the Pelicans, who played without starters Zion Williamson (left hamstring), Brandon Ingram (right calf) and Herb Jones (right shoulder), as well as prominent reserve Trey Murphy III (left knee bruise). Takeaways Raptors: Toronto's 21 made 3s were their most since January 2021. Toronto Raptors guard RJ Barrett (9) drives down court against New Orleans Pelicans guard Elfrid Payton (22) in the first half of an NBA basketball game in New Orleans, Wednesday, Nov. 27, 2024. Credit: AP/Gerald Herbert Pelicans: Coach Willie Green went with a relatively small starting lineup. After 6-foot-11 center Yves Missi, the 6-6 Boston was New Orleans' next-tallest starter, followed by Murray (6-5), Javonte Green (6-4) and McCollum (6-3). The Pelicans went 11 of 35 from deep. Key moment After assisting on Agbaji's alley-oop layup, Barrett scored eight straight points on two free throws and three layups, sparking a 16-2 run that put Toronto up 79-53. Key stat Toronto shot 21 of 52 (40.4%) from 3-point range after coming in last in the NBA in made 3-pointers with 10.4 per game. Up Next The Raptors play at Miami on Friday night, when the Pelicans visit Memphis.High-Performance Computing Surge: From USD 45.14B in 2019 to USD 82.7B by 2031

Experts discuss transfusion medicine at national conferenceThese holiday gifts change the game when building fires, printing photos, watching birds and moreBy Nandita Bose WASHINGTON (Reuters) - U.S. President Joe Biden and President-elect Donald Trump have yet to start the formal transition process between administrations, which normally takes months and involves the executive branch sharing information with incoming officials on everything from foreign policy to ongoing investigations. Trump, who will be sworn into office on Jan. 20, has not signed a series of transition documents with Biden, preventing U.S. officials working for 15 agencies - including the Treasury, State Department, Energy Department, Agriculture Department, Transportation Department and others - from briefing his incoming team. The unusual situation could mean hiccups in some government operations, some critics warn and raises questions about whether Trump's appointees will clear ethics hurdles. Here's what we know about what's going on: WHY DOES THE TRANSITION MATTER? It allows the incoming president's team to participate in national security briefings or gain access to federal agencies to begin the complicated work of preparing to take control of the federal government on Jan. 20, 2025. WHAT DOCUMENTS HAS TRUMP NOT SIGNED?The Trump team has so far not signed two agreements needed to kick-start the transition required by the Presidential Transition Act: a memorandum of understanding with the General Services Administration and another with the White House. The GSA agreement would offer the transition team office space, IT services and facilities, and the White House agreement would allow transition team access to employees and documents of federal agencies. Under the transition law, the agreements also include a robust ethics pledge. It requires Trump and his transition staff to pledge they will avoid conflicts of interest once sworn into office. Trump's transition team was required to submit the ethics pledge by Oct. 1, according to the 1963 law that provides transition funding. WHY HASN'T TRUMP SIGNED THE AGREEMENTS? Two transition sources with knowledge of the matter said the holdup is Trump having to walk away from his business interests - something he does not want to do. Three days after winning the election, Trump denied on Truth Social that he was selling his shares in Trump Media & Technology Group, the parent company of the social media platform. "I HAVE NO INTENTION OF SELLING!" he posted. The Trump transition team's leadership has privately drafted their own ethics document and a conflict-of-interest statement governing its staff, sources said. The documents do not meet the requirements of the transition law and do not include language that explains how Trump will address conflicts of interest during his presidency, sources with knowledge of the transition said. Not signing the documents also means the president does not have to disclose the names of private donors, who are funding his transition, and can raise unlimited amounts of cash from them to fund his return to the White House. The transition law requires these names be disclosed and caps such donations at $5,000. The Trump transition team has repeatedly said the president-elect intends to sign the documents but the team's main priority is selecting and vetting candidates. It remains unclear when Trump will sign the pledge. All transition staff have signed a robust ethics pledge as a requirement of their participation, the transition team said. "The Trump-Vance transition lawyers continue to constructively engage with the Biden-Harris administration lawyers regarding all agreements contemplated by the Presidential Transition Act," said Brian Hughes, a Trump transition spokesman. WHAT DOES THE LAW SAY ABOUT CONFLICTS? The about $7 trillion annual U.S. federal government budget is funded by American taxpayer money, and people who work in it should not use their position or influence in ways that benefit them or their businesses or families, according to multiple U.S. ethics laws. In 2019, Congress amended that law to require candidates to create and publicly post an ethics plan before the election. That bipartisan law was born in part out of concerns about ethical issues during the first Trump administration. WHAT ARE THE CONSEQUENCES? The president is exempted from conflict of interest laws because he oversees too many areas to make enforcement practical, ethics experts said. The system relies on a president's good-faith effort to separate his personal interests from the country's when he takes office. However the Supreme Court's ruling this year that Trump, as a former president, is immune from prosecution for official acts within his constitutional authority while in the White House, raised questions about the norms. WHAT ASSETS DOES TRUMP HAVE? Trump has a stake valued at $3.76 billion in Trump Media & Technology Group, as well as stakes in a cryptocurrency business, real estate properties and several foreign deals. The family real estate company, now run largely by Eric Trump, owns a portfolio of hotels, golf courses, resorts and New York City office space, retail operations and condominiums. WHAT ABOUT SECURITY CLEARANCES? The Trump transition team has not entered into a memorandum of understanding with the Department of Justice to allow the FBI to conduct background checks of nominees, and it hasn't sent the FBI the names of prospective national security personnel who would have access to classified information, one of the sources said. The transition is reportedly using private firms to vet candidates, leaving open the possibility that federal law enforcement may never properly review Trump appointees. Circumventing background checks would be bucking a long-established norm in Washington, but the president has the final authority on whom he nominates and picks to conduct background checks. WHAT DID TRUMP DO THE LAST TIME? In 2017, Trump said he would place his business interests in a trust controlled by his two oldest sons and take other steps to remove any suggestion of a conflict of interest with his decisions as president. Still, Trump repeatedly came under fire from the Office of Government Ethics, responsible for oversight, for potential conflicts of interest relating to his businesses and brands. The government's top ethics official, Walter Shaub, resigned and criticized the president six months after Trump entered office. WHAT DO ETHICS EXPERTS SAY? Trump could operate with little or no ethics oversight during his second four-year term, making conflicts of interest more possible. It also opens up new ways for foreign interests and corporations to attempt to influence him and his administration's policy by pouring money into his businesses. At the end of his first term, at least 20 governments, including Saudi Arabia and China, collectively spent more than $7.8 million at his hotels and golf courses, according to a report compiled by congressional Democrats. It also severely affects the public's trust in government, watchdog groups say. Public trust in government hit some of the lowest levels in over 60 years during Trump's last administration, when only 17% of Americans trusted the government to do what was right. (Reporting by Nandita Bose in Washington; Editing by Heather Timmons and Jonathan Oatis)

Revisiting Jinnah’s economic vision: A blueprint for Pakistan’s sustainable future Amid Pakistan’s economic challenges, Jinnah’s vision offers invaluable insights for shaping sustainable future As we commemorate Quaid-i-Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah’s birth anniversary, it is crucial to revisit his economic vision for Pakistan. His aspirations for the nation were not confined to political independence but also encompassed building a strong, self-reliant, and welfare state. Amid Pakistan’s persistent economic challenges, Jinnah’s vision offers invaluable insights for shaping a sustainable future. Understanding his economic outlook, especially for the youth, is key to empowering them to transform the country’s economic future. Quaid-i-Azam believed that economic freedom and independence were fundamental to nation-building. In his inaugural address to the State Bank of Pakistan in 1948, he emphasised, “The adoption of Western economic theory and practice will not help us in achieving our goal of creating a happy and contented people.” This statement highlights the need for innovative and context-specific economic solutions. Today, Pakistan’s dependence on foreign debt poses a serious challenge to its sovereignty. As of 2024, Pakistan’s external debt stands at over $100 billion, with annual debt servicing consuming a substantial portion of the national budget. In the fiscal year 2023-24, debt servicing accounted for approximately 40% of the country’s total expenditures, reflecting the growing burden of foreign loans. Jinnah’s economic vision was influenced by his understanding of commerce and trade. Coming from a business family, he knew the importance of economic equity and opportunities for all citizens. During his studies in England, he observed the benefits of trade, investment, and industrialisation in Western economies, which shaped his belief in fostering a robust and inclusive economy. In the Quaid-i-Azam Papers, written by Zawar Hussain Zaidi, it is stated that for Jinnah, “commerce and trade are the very lifeblood of a nation.” Jinnah emphasised the significance of investing in the future. To reduce dependency on foreign debt, Pakistan must focus on developing local industries, improving resource management, and fostering innovation. Aligning policies with Jinnah’s vision of economic autonomy can help the country reduce its reliance on external financial assistance and create a more self-sustaining economic system. 1. Industrialisation: The backbone of economic prosperity Jinnah understood the crucial role of industrialisation in a nation’s economic success. Despite Pakistan’s limited resources at the time of independence, he championed industrial development through initiatives like the Pakistan Industrial Development Corporation (PIDC), which played a pivotal role in early industrial growth. However, over the years, industrial progress has stagnated. Pakistan’s reliance on imports and underdeveloped manufacturing sector underscores the need to revitalise Jinnah’s vision of a self-reliant industrial base, crucial for job creation, export and sustainable economic development. 2. Economic justice and equitable wealth distribution Jinnah’s economic vision was rooted in justice and fairness, with economic equity as a cornerstone for development. He believed that persistent inequality stifles productivity for a significant segment of the population, undermining overall growth. Quaid-i-Azam emphasised equality as fundamental to Pakistan’s economic plan. At a public meeting in Chittagong, he highlighted, “The great ideals of human progress, of social justice, of equality, and of fraternity constitute the basic causes of the birth of Pakistan.” After Pakistan’s independence, Jinnah expressed his dissatisfaction with the Western economic system, which he believed failed to provide an equitable framework globally. He advocated for a system that avoided widening the gap between the rich and the poor. Unfortunately, Pakistan has struggled to fulfill this vision. Rising inequality, ineffective redistribution mechanisms, and a widening wealth gap continue to hinder progress. Implementing Jinnah’s ideals through progressive taxation and targeted social welfare programs can help address these disparities. 3. Financial discipline and good governance Financial discipline was central to Jinnah’s policies. He warned against corruption, inefficiency, and resource mismanagement-issues that remain relevant today. However, these principles have often been ignored, leading to fiscal mismanagement, wasteful expenditures, and eroded public trust. Pakistan ranks 136th out of 167 countries in the Prosperity Index, based on indicators such as personal freedom, investment environment, and governance. Despite moving up 12 places since 2011, governance weaknesses, particularly in accountability and institutional capacity, continue to pull rankings down. To honour Jinnah’s legacy, Pakistan must enforce strict anti-corruption measures, improve governance transparency, and adopt prudent fiscal policies. These steps are crucial to restoring public confidence and achieving sustainable economic growth. 4. Role of trade and international relations in spurring economic growth Quaid-i-Azam envisioned Pakistan as a trade hub, leveraging its geo-political location to strengthen ties with neighbours, the Muslim world, and the West. Despite this vision, poor trade policies and geopolitical challenges have hindered progress. In FY 2023-2024, Pakistan’s merchandise exports grew by 10.54%, reaching $30.64 billion, contributing 23% to the GDP. However, Pakistan’s share in global merchandise trade remains at just 0.34%, reflecting untapped potential. Initiatives like the Special Investment Facilitation Council (SIFC), improved trade agreements, and export market diversification are critical to increasing this share. Reviving Jinnah’s emphasis on trade and economic diplomacy can help Pakistan integrate more effectively into the global economy, enhancing economic stability and growth. 5. Welfare state aspirations Jinnah aspired to create a welfare state where every citizen had access to basic necessities, including education, healthcare, and housing. He envisioned a system that balanced free-market principles with social responsibility, emphasising the state’s role in uplifting the underprivileged. According to the Human Development Report 2023-2024, Pakistan’s Human Development Index (HDI) value stands at 0.540, placing it in the “low” development category and ranking 164th out of 193 countries. Key factors contributing to this low ranking include a life expectancy of just 66.1 years, a gross national income (GNI) per capita of $4,600 (PPP), and significant challenges in education and healthcare. In comparison, India ranks 132nd, and Bangladesh ranks 129th. Pakistan’s failure to meet Jinnah’s welfare aspirations reflects inadequate investment in public services and resultant rising poverty levels. Bridging this gap requires significant investment in human development, particularly in education and healthcare, as well as targeted social welfare programs. 6. Economic integration of provinces Jinnah was fully aware of the economic disparities among Pakistan’s provinces and the need for integration to promote national unity. He advocated for equitable resource sharing and inclusive development to address regional grievances. His vision aimed at fostering inter-provincial harmony as a means of strengthening national solidarity. Today, tensions over fiscal allocation and resource management remain significant challenges. Projects like the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) have highlighted disparities in regional development and the need for more inclusive policies. Addressing vertical and horizontal imbalances in federal-provincial financial distribution is crucial for realising Jinnah’s vision. Policies that promote equitable economic opportunities and resource sharing across provinces can ensure sustainable and harmonious growth. Lessons for modern Pakistan Jinnah’s economic vision offers critical lessons for addressing Pakistan’s current challenges: * Reduction in debt dependency: Prioritise self-reliance by reducing foreign loans and focusing on domestic resource mobilization. * Employment opportunities: Promote industrialisation and vocational training to create jobs. * Curbing corruption: Strengthen accountability mechanisms and transparent governance to restore trust in public institutions. * Be a facilitator: Institutions like the Special Investment Facilitation Council (SIFC) can help implement investment-led growth and inclusive reforms. Quaid-i-Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah’s economic vision remains a beacon of hope for Pakistan. His ideals of self-reliance, economic justice, and disciplined governance offer a roadmap for addressing the nation’s pressing challenges. As we honour his legacy, it is crucial for policymakers and citizens alike to align with his vision, ensuring a prosperous future for Pakistan. By fostering productivity, reducing dependency on foreign debt, and promoting inclusive growth, Pakistan can build a more equitable and sustainable economy. -The author is a political economist and the recipient of the prestigious Martin Luther King Award.Men’s basketball: Nonconference attendance lags at CU Events CenterStock market today: Wall Street rallies ahead of Christmas

Smith asks to drop casesOne night last month, near the end of the Chicago International Film Festival, a particularly long line of moviegoers snaked down Southport Avenue by the Music Box Theatre. The hot ticket? This fall’s hottest ticket, in fact, all over the international festival circuit? Well, it’s a 215-minute drama about a fictional Hungarian Jewish architect who emigrates to America in 1947 after surviving the Holocaust. The film’s title, “The Brutalist,” references several things, firstly a post-World War II design imperative made of stern concrete, steel, and a collision of poetry and functionality. Director and co-writer Brady Corbet, who wrote “The Brutalist” with his filmmaker wife, Mona Fastvold, explores brutalism in other forms as well, including love, envy, capitalist economics and how the promise of America eludes someone like the visionary architect László Tóth, played by Adrien Brody. Corbet, now 36 and a good bet for Oscar nominations this coming January, says his unfashionable sprawl of a picture, being distributed by A24, is also about the “strange relationship between artist and patron, and art and commerce.” It co-stars Felicity Jones as the visionary architect’s wife, Erzsébet, trapped in Eastern Europe after the war with their niece for an agonizingly long time. Guy Pearce portrays the imperious Philadelphia blueblood who hires Tóth, a near-invisible figure in his adopted country, to design a monumental public building known as the Institute in rural Pennsylvania. The project becomes an obsession, then a breaking point and then something else. Corbet’s project, which took the better part of a decade to come together after falling apart more than once, felt like that, too. Spanning five decades and filmed in Hungary and Italy, “The Brutalist” looks like a well-spent $50 million project. In actuality, it was made for a mere $10 million, with Corbet and cinematographer Lol Crawley shooting on film, largely in the VistaVision process. The filmmaker said at the Chicago festival screening: “Who woulda thunk that for screening after screening over the last couple of months, people stood in line around the block to get into a three-and-a-half-hour movie about a mid-century designer?” He lives in Brooklyn, New York, with Fastvold and their daughter. Our conversation has been edited for clarity and length. Q: Putting together an independent movie, keeping it on track, getting it made: not easy, as you told the Music Box audience last night. Money is inevitably going to be part of the story of “The Brutalist,” since you had only so much to make a far-flung historical epic. A: Yeah, that’s right. In relation to my earlier features, “The Childhood of a Leader” had a $3 million budget. The budget for “Vox Lux” was right around $10 million, same as “The Brutalist,” although the actual production budget for “Vox Lux” was about $4.5 million. Which is to say: All the money on top of that was going to all the wrong places. For a lot of reasons, when my wife and I finished the screenplay for “The Brutalist,” we ruled out scouting locations in Philadelphia or anywhere in the northeastern United States. We needed to (film) somewhere with a lot less red tape. My wife’s previous film, “The World to Come,” she made in Romania; we shot “Childhood of a Leader” in Hungary. For “The Brutalist” we initially landed on Poland, but this was early on in COVID and Poland shut its borders the week our crew was arriving for pre-production. When we finally got things up and running again with a different iteration of the cast (the original ensemble was to star Joel Edgerton, Marion Cotillard and Mark Rylance), after nine months, the movie fell apart again because Russia’s invasion of Ukraine. We couldn’t get any of the banks to cash-flow the tax credit (for location shooting in Poland). It’s completely stable now, but at that time the banks were nervous about whether the war would be contained to Ukraine or not. And then we finally got it up and running in Budapest, Hungary. Q: That’s a long time. A: Every filmmaker I know suffers from some form of post-traumatic stress (laughs). It sounds funny but it’s true. At every level. On the level of independent cinema, you’re just so damn poor. You’re not making any money, and yet from nose to tail, at minimum, a movie always takes a couple of years. With bigger projects, you might have a little more personal security but a lot less creative security with so many more cooks in the kitchen. Either route you choose, it can be an arduous and painful one. Whether you’re making a movie for a million dollars, or $10 million, or $100 million, it’s still “millions of dollars.” And if you’re concerned about the lives and livelihoods of the people working with you, it’s especially stressful. People are constantly calling you: “Is it happening? Are we starting? Should I take this other job or not?” And you have 250 people who need that answer from you. Every iteration of the project, I always thought we were really about to start in a week, two weeks. It’s just very challenging interpersonally. It’s an imposition for everyone in your life. And then there’s the imposition of screening a movie that’s three-and-a-half-hours long for film festivals, where it’s difficult to find that kind of real estate on the schedule. So essentially, making a movie means constantly apologizing. Q: At what point in your acting career did you take a strong interest in what was going on behind the camera? A: I was making short films when I was 11, 12 years old. The first thing I ever made more properly, I guess, was a short film I made when I was 18, “Protect You + Me,” shot by (cinematographer) Darius Khondji. It was supposed to be part of a triptych of films, and I went to Paris for the two films that followed it. And then all the financing fell through. But that first one screened at the London film festival, and won a prize at Sundance, and I was making music videos and other stuff by then. Q: You’ve written a lot of screenplays with your wife. How many? A: Probably 25. We work a lot for other people, too. I think we’ve done six together for our own projects. Sometimes I’ll start something at night and my wife will finish in the morning. Sometimes we work very closely together, talking and typing together. It’s always different. Right now I’m writing a lot on the road, and my wife is editing her film, which is a musical we wrote, “Ann Lee,” about the founder of the Shakers. I’m working on my next movie now, which spans a lot of time, like “The Brutalist,” with a lot of locations. And I need to make sure we can do it for not a lot of money, because it’s just not possible to have a lot of money and total autonomy. For me making a movie is like cooking. If everyone starts coming in and throwing a dash of this or that in the pot, it won’t work out. A continuity of vision is what I look for when I read a novel. Same with watching a film. A lot of stuff out there today, appropriately referred to as “content,” has more in common with a pair of Nikes than it does with narrative cinema. Q: Yeah, I can’t imagine a lot of Hollywood executives who’d sign off on “The Brutalist.” A: Well, even with our terrific producing team, I mean, everyone was up for a three-hour movie but we were sort of pushing it with three-and-a-half (laughs). I figured, worst-case scenario, it opens on a streamer. Not what I had in mind, but people watch stuff that’s eight, 12 hours long all the time. They get a cold, they watch four seasons of “Succession.” (A24 is releasing the film in theaters, gradually.) It was important for all of us to try to capture an entire century’s worth of thinking about design with “The Brutalist.” For me, making something means expressing a feeling I have about our history. I’ve described my films as poetic films about politics, that go to places politics alone cannot reach. It’s one thing to say something like “history repeats itself.” It’s another thing to make people see that, and feel it. I really want viewers to engage with the past, and the trauma of that history can be uncomfortable, or dusty, or dry. But if you can make it something vital, and tangible, the way great professors can do for their students, that’s my definition of success. “The Brutalist” opens in New York and Los Angeles on Dec. 20. The Chicago release is Jan. 10, 2025. Michael Phillips is a Tribune critic.