96 casino game A passenger plane tragically caught fire after skidding off the runway at Muan Airport, South Korea, on Sunday. The incident resulted in the death of at least 85 individuals, marking one of the country's most devastating aviation tragedies. The National Fire Agency confirmed the Jeju Air plane, carrying 181 people, experienced a failure in its front landing gear. Rescuers have been working tirelessly, assisted by 32 fire trucks and multiple helicopters, to manage the blaze and retrieve survivors. Two crew members were found conscious, while the recovery of bodies continues. Transport ministry officials and experts are probing into potential causes such as mechanical failures or bird strikes. The disaster occurs amid significant political upheaval in South Korea, with the backdrop of the recent impeachment of acting President Han Duck-soo and Yoon Suk Yeol's imposition of martial law. (With inputs from agencies.)

PHILADELPHIA and NEW YORK , Dec. 27, 2024 /PRNewswire/ -- FS KKR Capital Corp. (NYSE: FSK) today announced that it has completed its previously announced offering of an additional $100 million in aggregate principal amount of its 6.125% notes due 2030 (the "Notes"). The Notes will be a further issuance of, and form a single series with, the $600 million aggregate principal amount of 6.125% Notes due 2030 that FSK issued on November 20, 2024 , increasing the outstanding aggregate principal amount of the series to $700 million . BofA Securities, Inc., BMO Capital Markets Corp., J.P. Morgan Securities LLC, KKR Capital Markets LLC, SMBC Nikko Securities America, Inc., and Truist Securities, Inc. are acting as joint book-running managers for this offering. FSK intends to use the net proceeds of this offering for general corporate purposes, including potentially repaying outstanding indebtedness under credit facilities and certain notes. This announcement does not constitute an offer to sell or a solicitation of an offer to buy any of the Notes, nor shall there be any offer, solicitation or sale in any state or jurisdiction in which such an offer, solicitation or sale would be unlawful. About FS KKR Capital Corp. FSK is a leading publicly traded business development company (BDC) focused on providing customized credit solutions to private middle market U.S. companies. FSK seeks to invest primarily in the senior secured debt and, to a lesser extent, the subordinated debt of private middle market companies. FSK is advised by FS/KKR Advisor, LLC. About FS/KKR Advisor, LLC FS/KKR Advisor, LLC (FS/KKR) is a partnership between FS Investments and KKR Credit that serves as the investment adviser to FSK and other business development companies. FS Investments is a global alternative asset manager dedicated to delivering superior performance and innovative investment and capital solutions. The firm manages over $83 billion in assets for a wide range of clients, including institutional investors, financial professionals and individual investors. FS Investments provides access to a broad suite of alternative asset classes and strategies through its best-in-class investment teams and partners. With its diversified platform and flexible capital solutions, the firm is a valued partner to general partners, asset owners and portfolio companies. FS Investments is grounded in its high-performance culture and guided by its commitment to building value for its clients, investing in its colleagues and giving back to its communities. The firm has more than 500 employees across offices in the U.S., Europe and Asia and is headquartered in Philadelphia . KKR is a leading global investment firm that offers alternative asset management as well as capital markets and insurance solutions. KKR aims to generate attractive investment returns by following a patient and disciplined investment approach, employing world-class people, and supporting growth in its portfolio companies and communities. KKR sponsors investment funds that invest in private equity, credit and real assets and has strategic partners that manage hedge funds. KKR's insurance subsidiaries offer retirement, life and reinsurance products under the management of Global Atlantic Financial Group. References to KKR's investments may include the activities of its sponsored funds and insurance subsidiaries. Forward-Looking Statements and Important Disclosure Notice This announcement may contain certain forward-looking statements, including statements with regard to future events or future performance or operations of FSK. Words such as "believes," "expects," "projects," and "future" or similar expressions are intended to identify forward-looking statements. These forward-looking statements are subject to the inherent uncertainties in predicting future results and conditions. Certain factors could cause actual results to differ materially from those projected in these forward-looking statements. Factors that could cause actual results to differ materially include changes in the economy, risks associated with possible disruption in FSK's operations or the economy generally due to terrorism, geo-political risks, natural disasters or pandemics such as COVID-19, future changes in laws or regulations and conditions in FSK's operating area and the price at which shares of FSK's common stock trade on the New York Stock Exchange. Some of these factors are enumerated in the filings FSK makes with the SEC. FSK undertakes no obligation to update or revise any forward-looking statements, whether as a result of new information, future events or otherwise. Contact Information: Investor Relations Contact Anna Kleinhenn Anna.Kleinhenn@fsinvestments.com FS Investments Media Team Melanie Hemmert Melanie.Hemmert@fsinvestments.com View original content to download multimedia: https://www.prnewswire.com/news-releases/fsk-completes-public-offering-of-100-million-6-125-unsecured-notes-due-2030--302339667.html SOURCE FS Investments

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Jimmy Carter, the 39th president and a Nobel Peace Prize recipient, has died at 100Punjab Govt Should Not Misuse Police, Stand With Us: Farmer Leader

BARCELONA, Spain (AP) — Celta Vigo gave 10-man Barcelona a shock by scoring two late goals and snatching a 2-2 draw at home in the Spanish league on Saturday. Barcelona was minutes away from a win to pad its league lead after Raphinha and Lewandowski had put Barcelona in control. But the game dramatically swung after Barcelona defensive midfielder Marc Casadó was sent off with a second booking in the 81st. Moments later Jules Koundé’s poor control of a ball in his area allowed Alfon González to pick his pocket and give the hosts hope in the 84th minute. Celta poured forward at Balaidos Stadium and Hugo Álvarez rifled in the 86th-minute equalizer with Barcelona unable to mark the extra man. AP soccer: https://apnews.com/hub/soccerBARCELONA, Spain (AP) — Celta Vigo gave 10-man Barcelona a shock by scoring two late goals and snatching a 2-2 draw at home in the Spanish league on Saturday. Barcelona was minutes away from a win to pad its league lead after Raphinha and Lewandowski had put Barcelona ahead. But the game dramatically swung after Barcelona defensive midfielder Marc Casadó was sent off with a second booking in the 81st. Moments later Jules Koundé’s poor control of a ball in his area allowed Alfon González to pick his pocket and give the hosts hope in the 84th minute. Celta poured forward at Balaidos Stadium and Hugo Álvarez rifled in the 86th-minute equalizer with Barcelona unable to mark the extra man. Barcelona coach Hansi Flick, however, said that he saw it coming since his team had never been able to establish its passing game and was making mistakes even when up 2-0. “It was not only the 10 last minutes, it was the whole match. We played today a really bad game,” Flick said. “The passing game for us was bad. We made a lot of mistakes and at the end we had no confidence with the ball.” This was Barcelona's second straight stumble since Lamine Yamal was sidelined with a right-ankle injury. Barcelona lost 1-0 at Real Sociedad without Yamal before the international break. Barcelona is seven points ahead of third-place Real Madrid, which has played two fewer games. Koundé accepted the blame for what he called his “gross mistake” that helped give Celta hope. “We didn’t do what we needed to all game, and at the end they made us pay,” Koundé said. “It starts with me. I can’t lose my focus like that. It was a gross mistake that can’t happen. I accept that it was my fault.” The late rally by Celta came after Raphinha had led Barcelona as he filled in for Yamal on the right side of the front three. Raphinha opened the scoring in the 15th when he ran onto a long pass by Koundé that bounced over left back Óscar Mingueza, cut back to his left foot and fired home. Lewandowski doubled the lead in the 61st after Raphinha intercepted a pass by Minqueza and set up his strike partner. The Poland striker scrambled the ball past two defenders before slotting beyond Vicente Guaita. Lewandowski took his league-leading tally to 15 goals in 14 rounds, while Raphinha has added eight league goals. Raphinha came close to a second goal that would have made it 3-0 when he hit the post in the 77th, just moments before the wild final stretch when it all crumbled for the visitors. “We have to learn from this. This can’t happen just because we had a player sent off. But onto the next game,” said Gavi Páez, who started his first match since returning from a serious leg injury last season. Antoine Griezmann converted a late penalty to equalize and Alexander Sorloth struck an 86th-minute winner to give Atletico Madrid a 2-1 win at home over Alaves. The comeback victory lifted Atletico into second place — five points behind Barcelona. Coach Diego Simeone showed his sensitive side after the match when he choked up when speaking about this love for the team he has coached for nearly 13 years. Valencia played its first home game since last month’s devastating floods that killed over 200 people in eastern Spain. The club honored the victims before kickoff when several fans were seen to cry during the ceremony. Hugo Duro led the 4-2 win over Real Betis by scoring a double. Girona routed Espanyol 4-1 in a Catalan regional derby with Bojan Miovski’s first two goals since joining the club. Mallorca forward Johan Mojica scored off a set piece from a free kick inside Las Palmas' area to complete a 3-2 win for the visitors in injury time. AP soccer: https://apnews.com/hub/soccerCan Trump persuade the Supreme Court to stand aside so he can solve the TikTok problem?

First Day Hikes in scheduled in 3 area state parksIn recent years, Carter had received various hospital treatments, including when he revealed in August 2015 that he had brain cancer and was undergoing radiation treatment — an illness he recovered from, seemingly against the odds. In addition to being president, the 100-year-old was a U.S. Navy submarine officer, a farmer, a diplomat, a Nobel laureate, a Sunday school teacher and one of the world’s most well-known humanitarians. Carter won the presidency in 1976, following the Nixon and Ford administrations, at a time of grave political and social tumult not unlike our own. During his tenure, the Democrat prioritized human rights and social justice , enjoying a solid first two years, which included brokering a peace deal between Israel and Egypt dubbed the Camp David Accords . But his administration hit numerous snags — the most serious being the taking of U.S. hostages in Iran and the disastrous failed attempt to rescue the 52 captive Americans in 1980 . The blowback from the U.S. boycott of the 1980 Summer Olympics , held in the former Soviet Union in response to that country’s invasion of Afghanistan, may have also hurt Carter. Richard Moe, who served from 1977 to 1981 as chief of staff to Vice President Walter Mondale, offered an alternative view of Carter’s presidency in 2015 , citing numerous achievements. “ As worthy as Jimmy Carter’s post-presidency has been, it shouldn’t overshadow his time in office, which has been too often overlooked, and which stands in sharp contrast to what we see in the [ Trump administration],” Moe said. In November 1980, Republican challenger Ronald Reagan beat Carter, relegating him to a single term of office on a wave of staunch conservatism. “We told the truth, we obeyed the law, and we kept the peace,” said Vice President Walter Mondale at the end of Carter’s term . In the introduction of his 2015 book, A Full Life , Carter repeated the Mondale quote, adding, “We championed human rights.” As the years passed, a more nuanced image of Carter emerged, taking into account his post-presidential activities and reassessing his achievements. He founded the Carter Center in 1982 to pursue his vision of world diplomacy and received the 2002 Nobel Peace Prize for his efforts to promote social and economic justice. Carter said basic Christian tenets such as justice and love served as the bedrock of his presidency, and the ex-president taught Sunday school at Maranatha Baptist, his church in Plains, well into his 90s. Sen. Raphael Warnock of Georgia, who is also a senior pastor at Ebenezer Baptist Church where Martin Luther King, Jr. preached, wished the Carter family comfort as the former president entered hospice. "Across life's seasons, President Jimmy Carter, a man of great faith, has walked with God," Warnock tweeted. "In this tender time of transitioning, God is surely walking with him." Both Jimmy and Rosalynn Carter made plans to be buried at their family home in Plains , near “a willow tree at the pond’s edge, on a gentle sloping lawn, where they will be buried in graves marked by simple stones.” The Carters’ property has already been deeded to the National Park Service. With additional reporting from AFP.Mufti Mohammad Kased, a student at the Bangladesh University of Engineering and Technology (BUET), sacrificed his life during the Liberation War, yet he has not been officially recognised as a martyred freedom fighter. Kased, who was the first martyr from Gafargaon upazila in Mymensingh, died in combat in the Paithol area on June 15, 1971. Inspired by Sheikh Mujibur Rahman's speech on March 7, Kased decided to join the Liberation War, arriving in Mymensingh the following day. After returning to his ancestral home in Niguari, Gafargaon, he took refuge at Sarkarbari in Kandipara to train fellow freedom fighters in their struggle against the occupying Pakistani Army. Kased and his comrades later moved to the house of Dr Kali Babu in the Paithol area on June 14, 1971. On June 15, local collaborators informed the Pakistani Army of their presence, leading to a surprise attack on Paithol village. The Pakistani forces were taking away the then-chairman of the Paithol Union Parishad, Abdus Samad, when Kased and his fellow fighters, divided into three groups, launched an attack to rescue him. During the confrontation, Kased was shot in the chest and leg, dying instantly. His co-fighters and local residents performed his last rites, and he was buried in a graveyard in Joydarkhali, Gafargaon. Abul Kashem, a fellow fighter, recalled the tragic moment of Kased's death, describing how Kased was shot in the leg but continued to fight until he was struck by a fatal bullet. Three days after his burial, the Pakistani Army raided the area again, identified Kased's grave, and exhumed his body, transporting it by helicopter to Mymensingh. When the Pakistani forces learned that Kased was the son of Mohammad Wahid, the secretary of Mymensingh Municipality, they brought Wahid in to identify the body. However, he was unable to recognise Kased's decomposed remains. The body was ultimately handed over to the Mymensingh municipal authorities and reburied at Kalibari Graveyard in the city. The Pakistani Army also destroyed Kased's ancestral home in Niguari, he said. His co-fighter Abdul Hamid said Kased's bravery and dedication had not been properly honoured, despite various initiatives over the years. Kased's name is inscribed on memorial walls at BUET and Faujdarhat Cadet College. A souvenir published in 1972 during the inaugural ceremony of BUET's Titumir Hall recognised Kased alongside six other students who were martyred, with Chief of Army Staff MAG Osmani as the chief guest, he said. Family sources reveal that Kased was a provincial chess champion in East Pakistan, a devoted student of chess master Dr Qazi Motahar Hossain, and the joint-secretary of the East Pakistan Chess Council. He also had a passion for music and was skilled with the violin. Following the Liberation War, BUET held regular chess competitions in Kased's memory, and since 1983, a chess competition organised by "Shaheed Mufti Smiriti Daba Parishad" has been held in Mymensingh. In 2016, a road in Mymensingh city was named after him. In January 2021, local residents, including fellow freedom fighters, formed a human chain in Gafargaon and submitted a memorandum to the upazila nirbahi officer (UNO), Md Tajul Islam, requesting that Kased be recognised as a freedom fighter. The UNO forwarded the application to the Jatiyo Muktijuddha Council (JAMUCA) through the district commissioner in the same year, but it has yet to be gazetted, according to family sources. Mufti Mohammad Kased, a student at the Bangladesh University of Engineering and Technology (BUET), sacrificed his life during the Liberation War, yet he has not been officially recognised as a martyred freedom fighter. Kased, who was the first martyr from Gafargaon upazila in Mymensingh, died in combat in the Paithol area on June 15, 1971. Inspired by Sheikh Mujibur Rahman's speech on March 7, Kased decided to join the Liberation War, arriving in Mymensingh the following day. After returning to his ancestral home in Niguari, Gafargaon, he took refuge at Sarkarbari in Kandipara to train fellow freedom fighters in their struggle against the occupying Pakistani Army. Kased and his comrades later moved to the house of Dr Kali Babu in the Paithol area on June 14, 1971. On June 15, local collaborators informed the Pakistani Army of their presence, leading to a surprise attack on Paithol village. The Pakistani forces were taking away the then-chairman of the Paithol Union Parishad, Abdus Samad, when Kased and his fellow fighters, divided into three groups, launched an attack to rescue him. During the confrontation, Kased was shot in the chest and leg, dying instantly. His co-fighters and local residents performed his last rites, and he was buried in a graveyard in Joydarkhali, Gafargaon. Abul Kashem, a fellow fighter, recalled the tragic moment of Kased's death, describing how Kased was shot in the leg but continued to fight until he was struck by a fatal bullet. Three days after his burial, the Pakistani Army raided the area again, identified Kased's grave, and exhumed his body, transporting it by helicopter to Mymensingh. When the Pakistani forces learned that Kased was the son of Mohammad Wahid, the secretary of Mymensingh Municipality, they brought Wahid in to identify the body. However, he was unable to recognise Kased's decomposed remains. The body was ultimately handed over to the Mymensingh municipal authorities and reburied at Kalibari Graveyard in the city. The Pakistani Army also destroyed Kased's ancestral home in Niguari, he said. His co-fighter Abdul Hamid said Kased's bravery and dedication had not been properly honoured, despite various initiatives over the years. Kased's name is inscribed on memorial walls at BUET and Faujdarhat Cadet College. A souvenir published in 1972 during the inaugural ceremony of BUET's Titumir Hall recognised Kased alongside six other students who were martyred, with Chief of Army Staff MAG Osmani as the chief guest, he said. Family sources reveal that Kased was a provincial chess champion in East Pakistan, a devoted student of chess master Dr Qazi Motahar Hossain, and the joint-secretary of the East Pakistan Chess Council. He also had a passion for music and was skilled with the violin. Following the Liberation War, BUET held regular chess competitions in Kased's memory, and since 1983, a chess competition organised by "Shaheed Mufti Smiriti Daba Parishad" has been held in Mymensingh. In 2016, a road in Mymensingh city was named after him. In January 2021, local residents, including fellow freedom fighters, formed a human chain in Gafargaon and submitted a memorandum to the upazila nirbahi officer (UNO), Md Tajul Islam, requesting that Kased be recognised as a freedom fighter. The UNO forwarded the application to the Jatiyo Muktijuddha Council (JAMUCA) through the district commissioner in the same year, but it has yet to be gazetted, according to family sources.For over a century, Cummins has made its mark on the industry through innovations in diesel technology, from its introduction of direct-injection technology to the first turbocharged diesel engine to participate in the Indianapolis 500 and the development of Variable Geometry Turbine designs. However, without the debut of its very first engine, the Cummins Hvid oil burner, the brand's later achievements might not have been possible. And considering there are still some operational Cummins Hvid units today, the average lifespan of a diesel engine is longer than you might realize . In 1919, the same year the company was founded, the Hvid engine launched, offering a unique fuel delivery system named after its creator, Robert Hvid. This pioneering engine featured rotating flywheel's that include a thick pulley on one side, ideal for attaching a belt to power a variety of equipment. Industries like agriculture, lumber, and oil, gravitated toward the Hvid due to its straightforward operation and portability. After over 100 years in operation, you might be surprised where Cummins engines are built and who makes them today . While weighing in at around 1,100-pounds, the Cummins Hvid engine might not seem very portable. However, the conventional diesel design of the time required additional components such as a massive air-compressor to deliver fuel, making them so heavy they were considered stationary machinery. Conversely, the Hvid used a revolutionary injection technology that allowed it to ditch the bulky systems featured on other diesels and make it transportable for a wide range of applications across a farm, sawmill, or factory. Rather than use heavy-duty air compressor attachments to help facilitate combustion, the Cummins Hvid uses only the available heat and compressed air generated in the cylinder to ignite the fuel. A small cup near the combustion chamber combines fuel with air that has been heated during the compression stroke, causing the mixture to create a controlled explosion sending the cups contents into the combustion chamber to force piston movement. The resulting output was around 60 lb-ft of torque and about 6 horsepower. One of the big advantages of the Hvid touted by Cummins, was the engine's ability to run on several fuel sources from vegetable-based oils to diesel and even kerosene. However, it wasn't always easy to keep the Hvid running smoothly or even getting it started without some experience working with the engine. Since the design didn't offer a conventional ignition system, it could be a challenge to get going, requiring the coordinated timing of a hand crank and a compression release lever. Not only could it be difficult to start, but if you decided to switch fuel types, there were some small adjustments required in order for the engine to run smoothly. This became a frustrating reality for rural farmers who used whatever fuel was available at the time but struggled to fine-tune the Hvid for optimal performance. Although, once dialed in, the Hvid proved to be an exceedingly dependable and versatile diesel for its era. In the years following the Hvid, Cummins evolved into one the world's largest engine manufacturers and has produced some of the most reliable diesel engines ever built .

Tilray (NASDAQ:TLRY) Shares Down 3.4% – What’s Next?Jimmy Carter was America’s oldest ex-president and had by far the longest former presidency. Indeed, his remarkable life — which ended today after 100 years — can be divided into the stretches before (38 years) and after (43 years) he held public office, with a comparatively short stretch of public service (four in the Georgia state senate, four as governor, and four as president, plus a couple of stints of campaigning) between those two eras. While his ascent to the presidency was in many respects astonishing, his record as a politician was at best mixed: He won one statewide political contest in Georgia and lost one, then won one presidential election and lost one. Assessments of his presidency never quite turned positive in hindsight, and for many years he continued to hold controversial positions on the ultimate hot-button international concern, the Middle East. Most recently, the return of inflation in the early 2020s brought back memories of one of the more painful aspects of his administration’s record. Yet the man always known by the informal name of Jimmy became and remained a beloved figure in his postpresidency, owing in no small part to his dogged, one-foot-in-front-of-the-other efforts to combat such basic scourges of the human condition as war, disease, political corruption, and homelessness. Carter was born in 1924 on a large family peanut farm near the hamlet of Plains in southwestern Georgia, the son of an experienced farmer and entrepreneur, Earl, and a trained nurse, Lillian, the remarkable woman who eventually found fame by joining the Peace Corps at age 68 as her son ran for governor. He helped in his family’s agricultural and commercial ventures while growing up. (One, which he was later to revive and expand, was wine-making, unusual for rural Baptists at the time.) Though a dutiful son of the land, Carter longed for travel, and after some preliminary higher education, he gained admission to the U.S. Naval Academy in 1943, graduating in the top 10 percent of his class in 1946, shortly after World War II ended. Around the same time, he married Rosalynn Smith, a friend of his sister’s from Plains, and the couple soon began a family that ultimately included three sons and a daughter. Carter was well embarked on a naval career (notably serving on the research staff of Hyman Rickover, the “father of the nuclear Navy,” whose hands-on taskmaster management style made a deep impression on the young officer) when his father was diagnosed with pancreatic cancer, leading Carter to secure a discharge and return to Plains to take over the family farm and businesses. By the end of the 1950s, he was both prosperous and restless, and he became involved in civic and political life. He entered politics at the larger tail end of Jim Crow, when it didn’t take much to get a reputation as a relative liberal on racial matters. Carter quietly qualified by supporting the desegregation of his own Southern Baptist congregation and refusing to join the militantly racist White Citizens’ Council movement when it reached his county. By the time he got to the state senate in 1962 (a judicial intervention aimed at a rival’s fraud forced a second election), he was known as a strong supporter of President John F. Kennedy, whose hesitant support for civil-rights legislation and school desegregation was more than enough to make him a traitor to many white southern Democrats. But in Carter’s initial and subsequent campaigns prior to his election as governor, he was hardly a profile in courage on racial matters. In his first gubernatorial bid, in 1966, he cleverly positioned himself between the self-described liberal ex-governor Ellis Arnall and the notorious segregationist Lester Maddox. (I was a kiddie volunteer for that first statewide Carter campaign.) He narrowly missed making a Democratic runoff against Arnall mostly because of Republican crossover votes for Maddox, who was deemed the Democrat that GOP nominee Bo Callaway could most easily defeat. When write-in votes for Arnall forced the election into the legislature under Georgia’s archaic and poorly written Constitution, Carter joined most (but not all) Democrats in casting a party-line vote for the buffoonish racist Maddox. I was shocked to hear my hero’s voice clearly announcing a vote for “Lester G. Maddox” on the live radio broadcast of the balloting, and I did not support his subsequent gubernatorial effort. Carter barely stopped running between 1966 and 1970, and he confirmed his twin reputations for cautious ambivalence on racial issues and impressive (if cynical) political skills. This time, his principal opponent was former governor Carl Sanders, who had earned the loyalty of Black voters during a relatively enlightened first term. While Carter was quietly wooing some of the same Black civil-rights leaders who would later spearhead his presidential run, his public campaign focused on a populist appeal to white rural and small-town voters who disliked “Cufflinks Carl” for his corporate ties and his racial moderation. Most notoriously, Carter supporters widely distributed photos of Sanders celebrating a victory with Black players from the Atlanta Hawks, the NBA team he partially owned. Carter also went out of his way to express solidarity with Alabama’s George Wallace, who was running an overtly racist campaign in 1970 to recapture power in Montgomery. Carter consolidated conservative white voters and nearly won a majority against Sanders in the first round of primaries, then dispatched the former governor handily in a runoff. But upon taking office (after a pro forma general-election victory over Republican TV newsman Hal Suit), Carter engineered a sharp left turn on racial issues, making this blunt statement in his 1971 inaugural address : I say to you quite frankly that the time for racial discrimination is over ... No poor, rural, weak, or Black person should ever have to bear the additional burden of being deprived of the opportunity of an education, a job, or simple justice. Thanks to his reputation for quiet decency on racial matters and the strength of his outreach to civil-rights leaders, his campaign demagoguery, not this new departure, was widely viewed as tactical and disposable. While racially enlightened, Carter’s governorship (limited at the time to a single term) was to a significant extent focused on the dry process issue of government reorganization. He successfully proposed to consolidate 300 state agencies into 22. He made small but politically significant gestures in areas ranging from the equalization of public-education revenues to prison reform and environmental protection. Meanwhile, like most southern (and not a few northern) politicians in both parties, Carter opposed busing to achieve school desegregation. He nonetheless kept himself in the national political news as an exemplar of “New South” Democratic governors (whose ranks included Dale Bumpers of Arkansas, Reubin Askew of Florida, and John West of South Carolina) who were outmaneuvering the old segregationists of their own party while heading off Republican gains in the region that threatened Democrats’ national viability. They were the first truly “national” Democrats in the South since the party had fully abandoned its ancient willingness to support, or at least tolerate, Jim Crow. Carter’s astonishing rise to the presidency just two years after a meh single term as governor of a Deep South state was a testament to both his unique positioning in a Democratic Party struggling with realignment and the political skills he and his advisers often showed even as they were being mocked as backwoods rubes. Team Carter exploited the emergence of the Iowa caucuses as a pre–New Hampshire nominating contest and out-organized the field there. He then took advantage of national Democrats’ desire for someone to end the threat of Wallace’s presidential candidacy by securing support for one-on-one contests with the Alabaman in the South, which Carter won with the regionally resonant slogan “Don’t send them a message. Send them a president.” He used crucial support from the Atlanta-based King-family network of civil-rights stalwarts to head off attacks on his dubious background on racial matters and turned criticism of his lack of experience into an asset among voters still furious at Watergate-era Washington. Even his Baptist piety became a selling point among both Evangelicals (who had not yet begun their mass exodus to the GOP) and voters inclined to believe his “I’ll never tell you a lie” pledge. But it was in the general-election contest against Gerald Ford that Carter’s unique regional political appeal became crucial, as I explained in a meditation on the 2020 revival of the southern Democratic Party: [Carter] defeated Wallace in most southern primaries and then gained his endorsement , subsequently putting together a mind-bending coalition of Black and conservative white voters united by regional pride (between Andrew and Lyndon Johnson, no president was elected from a state that had been part of the Confederacy). Carter won every state of the former Confederacy (producing huge swings compared with Hubert Humphrey’s performance in 1968 and George McGovern’s in 1972) except Virginia; he won the border states of Delaware, Kentucky, and Missouri as well as southern-inflected areas of Ohio and Pennsylvania that helped keep those states in the Democratic column. It is unlikely that any other Democrat could have won the presidency in 1976, and Carter won by an eyelash. Yet like other regional or ethnic-racial pioneers, his peak of support among the home folks was a thing of the past once he took office. Thus began a troubled four years. Carter with Israeli prime minister Menachem Begin in Tel Aviv as the peace talks began. After winning in New Hampshire, February 24, 1976. With Rosalynn at a White House Congressional Ball, 1977. Carter with Israeli prime minister Menachem Begin in Tel Aviv as the peace talks began. After winning in New Hampshire, February 24, 1976. With Rosalynn at a White House Congressional Ball, 1977. Carter’s one-term presidency had its ups and downs and was rarely stable or predictable. Yes, he inherited a lot of economic trouble from the Nixon and Ford administrations, but his response to double-digit inflation (involving some austerity measures and a lot of austerity talk) divided Democrats, particularly when the Carter administration deprioritized full employment and put in place a Federal Reserve Board chairman (Paul Volcker) determined to use a tight monetary policy to tame inflation, triggering a recession. This economic turbulence and a closely associated energy crisis (both kicked off by the Arab oil boycott of 1973–74 and a subsequent huge price spike in petroleum products) led Carter to indulge his inner Baptist deacon and sternly lecture Americans about the need for belt-tightening and self-discipline. For one famous week in 1979, he holed up at Camp David summoning advisers and elected officials in preparation for what was later known as the “ malaise speech ” (though he did not use that term). He struggled regularly with congressional Democrats, who joined with Republicans in sufficient numbers to kill his proposals for a stepped-up federal consumer-protection effort, standby gas-rationing powers, and canceling major water projects he deemed unnecessary. As he had in Georgia, Carter emphasized government-reorganization schemes and did succeed in creating new Cabinet-level Departments of Education and Energy. But foreign policy was an unusually large focus for Carter as president, leading to some of his biggest triumphs and setbacks. He invested enormous amounts of capital and personal time into engineering the 1978 Camp David Accords, the landmark Israeli-Egyptian peace agreement signed by Menachem Begin and Anwar Sadat. (It has, extraordinarily, held for more than four decades.) Earlier that year, after a long, tense negotiation, he secured Senate ratification of a treaty to relinquish the Panama Canal to Panama. Beyond establishing any individual bilateral relationships, Carter introduced human rights as a key consideration in U.S. foreign and defense policy, modifying the strict anti-Communist priorities of his immediate predecessors. Carter’s interactions with Iran characterized the ambiguities of his presidency, helping him beat Ted Kennedy in the 1980 Democratic primaries but putting an exclamation point on his general-election defeat. Kennedy had been leading Carter two-to-one in primary polls in mid-1979 when the Massachusetts senator all but decided to run; Carter’s combative streak was engaged, and he went out of his way to tell journalists that if Kennedy ran, “I’ll whip his ass.” But a few days before Kennedy’s official announcement, Iranian student revolutionaries took 66 Americans hostage in Tehran in response to Carter’s decision — against the caution of his advisers — to let the deposed Shah of Iran into the U.S. for cancer treatment. The hostage-taking launched a simmering crisis that did not end until the last day of Carter’s presidency. The international emergency did bolster the incumbent’s public standing, particularly among Democrats, and Carter’s “Rose Garden strategy” of running for renomination without holding personal campaign events worked, at least initially. He won 14 of the first 15 caucuses and primaries (losing only Massachusetts), in part by rebuilding his biracial coalition of support in southern and southern-inflected states. Kennedy made a comeback in the later primaries, and voters grew tired of the hostage crisis (particularly after a rescue attempt went bad in April ) and the country’s chronic economic problems. Kennedy won New York, Pennsylvania, California, and New Jersey, but it wasn’t enough to defeat the incumbent. Still, he didn’t concede until the convention and managed to avoid the traditional arms-raised unity gesture with Carter as the proceedings ended. Carter had his moments in the general-election contest with Republican Ronald Reagan (and his low points, as when he briefly slipped behind independent candidate John Anderson in the polls), managing to keep the race competitive until late in the campaign despite an assortment of ongoing crises in domestic and foreign policy. There were persistent rumors then and later (and recently, spurred by Carter’s transition to end-of-life care, a confession from an associate of Republican power broker John Connally) of Republican efforts to talk the Iranian regime out of a hostage release prior to the election, but the outcome was probably sealed in any event. In their one debate, Reagan famously called for voters to make the election a referendum on “the last four years,” and right at the end of the race, Carter’s numbers collapsed. Reagan won by nearly ten points, carrying 44 states. Although he left office at only 55, Carter never gave a thought to running again. His vice-president, Walter Mondale, won the 1984 Democratic presidential nomination but lost 49 states in the general election, which proved the country was undergoing a partisan realignment. Carter’s strength in the South had masked it earlier, keeping Democratic losses from being much worse. But Carter didn’t brood about his difficulties as president and embraced a simple if robust postpresidential agenda that kept him in good stead for over four decades. His principal vehicle was the Carter Center, a nonprofit organization created in 1982 in partnership with Atlanta’s Emory University; he and Rosalynn Carter served as co-founders. Its three main international programs have centered on conflict resolution (in areas ranging from North Korea–U.S. nuclear cooperation, to the restoration of democracy in Haiti, to disputes between Sudan and Uganda and between Colombia and Ecuador), election monitoring (in 39 countries), and health initiatives. The center has led efforts to eradicate deadly diseases like Guinea worm and to help diagnose and treat others like river blindness and trachoma. It has also fought to reduce the stigma of mental illness in the U.S. and beyond. In 2002, Carter was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize for the Carter Center’s efforts to “find peaceful solutions to international conflicts, to advance democracy and human rights, and to promote economic and social development.” He also continued his work for Middle East peace, leading to the one big controversy surrounding his postpresidential years: allegations that he was hostile to Zionism and to Israel itself, which grew stronger with the publication of his 2006 book, Palestine: Peace Not Apartheid . Another postpresidential commitment of Carter’s (and Rosalynn’s) involved Habitat for Humanity, a Georgia-based NGO that had long been doing modest work to build housing for the homeless. The Carters began working with Habitat in 1984 and over the years helped it expand its programs to all 50 states and to 70 countries. We’ve all seen those celebrated photographs of Carter framing up walls. During the 1992 presidential campaign, I was having dinner at the Atlanta political hangout Manuel’s Tavern, and I asked a waiter about all the security loitering around a back room. “Jimmy’s back there showing Clinton and Gore how to drive a nail,” the waiter replied; sure enough, the next day, the three men held a Habitat event nearby and nary a nail was missed. Yet the nongovernmental entity to which Carter devoted the most years was probably the Baptist Church. He taught Sunday school off and on at the Maranatha Baptist Church in Plains from its founding in 1977 as a church that welcomed Black worshippers. As the Southern Baptist Convention became militantly conservative in the 1980s and ’90s, Carter eventually broke any identification with the SBC (especially objecting to its refusal to ordain women as ministers) and became a leader of the moderate spinoff group the Cooperative Baptist Fellowship . Carter’s legacy as a president and a politician is substantial but not entirely settled. He was prescient in a number of policy areas, notably the search for a comprehensive energy strategy and his strong stance on human rights as a touchstone of U.S. foreign policy. He was also a personal diplomat of great courage and skill. From a political perspective, he was the key bridge figure between the Jim Crow era of southern politics and the biracial Democratic coalitions that followed; the Democratic victories in Georgia in 2020 — including the election of a Black U.S. senator — must have gratified him immensely. But Carter also exemplified centrist and even conservative strains in the Democratic Party that persisted while white Democratic racist politics largely vanished. What made Carter’s postpresidential career so popular, however, was the simple sense, shared far beyond his own region or party, that he was a fundamentally good man who eschewed riches and power for a more humble path to righteousness. He slowly but surely added up accomplishments that dwarf what he was able to do as the most powerful man on earth. Most of all, Jimmy Carter is the eternal role model for those who never stop learning and evolving while maintaining highly consistent values no matter how very long they live. He had slowly been leaving us for a while, but he will be missed. By submitting your email, you agree to our Terms and Privacy Notice and to receive email correspondence from us.

A former Guam resident, from Talo’fo’fo’, is now a rising star at the U.S. Naval Academy. Jewel Amber Maigue, a senior at the U.S. Naval Academy, is now a midshipman, a rank in the U.S. Navy for those training to become naval officers. “It’s been an incredible privilege to be at the academy and to come from a small place like Guam,” Maigue said. “Being Guam’s daughter, I think that’s almost my entire personality, and if anyone asks me, really, that’s one of the inspirations that I have for being here. So it’s been an incredible privilege, and I’m thankful for all the opportunities that come with it.” When Maigue learned she had been accepted into the Naval Academy, she was shocked and overwhelmed with gratitude. “I initially got into the Naval Academy in the spring of 2021 when I was about to graduate from Guam High School, class of 2021, and initially, I was just shocked,” she said. “It’s an institution with a 7.2% acceptance rate, so the chances were very slim. I had just put my best foot forward in the application process and hoped for the best.” Once Maigue realized she was about to embark on a new chapter in her life, she developed a long-term sense of gratitude for the opportunity. “I hope that even with the slim chances of being chosen to come to the Naval Academy, it serves as an inspiration for others to pursue the same or similar paths that are less traveled,” she said. Maigue, now in a leadership position, acknowledged the honor, responsibility, and privileges that come with her rank. “As a midshipman, at the end of four years at the Naval Academy, you get a commission into the United States Navy or the United States Marine Corps. During your four years, you’re getting a college education while also living with your best friends in the same hall,” Maigue explained. “We all get a Bachelor of Science degree at the end of our time here, and you receive training throughout your entire Naval Academy career, being exposed to different communities in the Navy and different jobs in the Marine Corps. Ultimately, it builds you to prepare sailors and Marines by the time you receive that commission.” Maigue is set to graduate in May with a degree in cyber operations. She plans to lead sailors in the Navy, carrying forward her family’s legacy and values. Maigue is one of four students from Guam currently attending the academy—a fact she takes great pride in. “There are four of us at the academy: myself, (Jadrian) Juico, who is a junior right now, Jason Palomares, who is a sophomore, and Scott Aflague, who is a freshman. So, there’s four of us representing our small, little island,” she said. When asked what it feels like to be a woman in the military, Maigue emphasized that being a woman does not feel like an obstacle. “Overall, I would say it’s not an important factor,” she said. “You’re surrounded by individuals who are also accomplished and come from different walks of life. So, even though I’m a woman in the military, while it can serve as an inspiration for other females looking to pursue a similar path, it’s not something that is really seen as an obstacle nowadays. Maybe in years past, in different generations, but I wouldn’t see it as an obstacle for people trying to pursue that.” She added, “Everything is very fair here at the United States Naval Academy, and overall, they’re looking for people who are passionate, who have the intrinsic desire to serve their country, and who are looking to serve something much bigger than themselves.” Maigue’s path to the academy was influenced by her upbringing and her father’s legacy in the Navy. “My dad is an immigrant from the Philippines, and he joined the Navy to make a living for himself and his family. Growing up knowing that background, I made it a long-term goal to pursue something that he wasn’t able to do in his lifetime,” she said. Her mother also inspired her to pursue higher education. “My mom also didn’t get her college degree because she was a young mom. I’m very lucky to be close to both of them, but they weren’t able to do the things I am able to do today,” Maigue said. “It’s always been my goal to come to college, complete my degree, and have job security. I’m lucky to be able to express my gratitude for this country and the opportunities it’s given me.” Reflecting on her time at the academy, Maigue acknowledged how surreal it has been to meet prominent figures like the Secretary of the Navy and the Chief of Naval Operations. “Being able to do internships and meeting the Secretary of the Navy, the Chief of Naval Operations, almost like it’s the average thing on a random Tuesday. It’s a surreal feeling, but it’s definitely one I’m grateful for,” she said. Her most memorable experience, she said, was training incoming students and reflecting on her leadership development. “My fondest memory here—and I would say it’s also a takeaway—is I was able to detail the incoming class of 2027 when they were about to be freshmen,” Maigue said. “That experience was a culmination of all the leadership lessons I had picked up on and observed in others. It gave me a great opportunity to practice and understand my approach to leadership.” While she has been away from home for most of her time at the academy, Maigue remains connected to her roots. “I’ve been to Guam every Christmas since being at the academy for the past four years. Each time I go back, it’s another opportunity to realize that I’m in a good place and that I have a lot to be thankful for,” she said. “I always look forward to my mom’s cooking, especially her soups. Just being able to enjoy small things like going to Ipan Mobil or listening to the waves—it’s the little things from back home that make me appreciate my time here even more.” She also cherishes the camaraderie she shares with the other students from Guam at the academy. “I would say we’re very close. It’s me and the three boys. We text regularly, check in with each other, and make time to hang out. If there’s anyone who makes me feel like I’m back home at the academy, it’s those three boys,” Maigue said. “We bring a unique approach to friendship and familial ties here, simply because of the way we grew up on Guam.” She added that her bond with the boys has helped them share their cultural values with others at the academy. “I’ve gotten feedback from others who say things like, ‘You’re the most tactful individual I’ve ever spoken to,’ and I don’t even think about it, but I think it’s because we talk to each other like family. It’s something that helps us navigate communication with others, and it’s an advantage that comes from growing up in Guam, where family is everything.” As Maigue prepares to graduate and take on her new role, she is determined to leave a lasting legacy, both as a leader and as a representative of Guam. “I feel an incredible responsibility to educate my classmates on what it’s like to be from Guam and to share the unique social, political climate we have back home,” she said. “We are just like anyone else. It doesn’t make us different just because we’re a U.S. territory, but it’s a unique experience that I’m grateful to share with others.”Jacob Webb, who posted a 3.09 ERA in 78 2/3 innings in two seasons with the Orioles, will become a free agent.

In the 2016 science fiction movie Arrival, a linguist is faced with the daunting task of deciphering an alien language consisting of palindromic phrases, which read the same backwards as they do forwards, written with circular symbols. As she discovers various clues, different nations around the world interpret the messages differently — with some assuming they convey a threat. If humanity ended up in such a situation today, our best bet may be to turn to research uncovering how artificial intelligence (AI) develops languages. But what exactly defines a language? Most of us use at least one to communicate with people around us, but how did it come about? Linguists have been pondering this very question for decades , yet there is no easy way to find out how language evolved . Language is ephemeral, it leaves no examinable trace in the fossil records. Unlike bones, we can't dig up ancient languages to study how they developed over time. While we may be unable to study the true evolution of human language, perhaps a simulation could provide some insights. That's where AI comes in — a fascinating field of research called emergent communication , which I have spent the last three years studying. To simulate how language may evolve, we give agents (AIs) simple tasks that require communication, like a game where one robot must guide another to a specific location on a grid without showing it a map. We provide (almost) no restrictions on what they can say or how — we simply give them the task and let them solve it however they want. Because solving these tasks requires the agents to communicate with each other, we can study how their communication evolves over time to get an idea of how language might evolve. Related: Father-daughter team decodes 'alien signal' from Mars that stumped the world for a year Similar experiments have been done with humans . Imagine you, an English speaker, are paired with a non-English speaker. Your task is to instruct your partner to pick up a green cube from an assortment of objects on a table. You might try to gesture a cube shape with your hands and point at grass outside the window to indicate the color green. Over time you'd develop a sort of proto-language together. Maybe you'd create specific gestures or symbols for "cube" and "green". Through repeated interactions, these improvised signals would become more refined and consistent, forming a basic communication system. This works similarly for AI. Through trial and error, they learn to communicate about objects they see, and their conversation partners learn to understand them. But how do we know what they're talking about? If they only develop this language with their artificial conversation partner and not with us, how do we know what each word means? After all, a specific word could mean "green", "cube", or worse — both. This challenge of interpretation is a key part of my research. Cracking the code The task of understanding AI language may seem almost impossible at first. If I tried speaking Polish (my mother tongue) to a collaborator who only speaks English, we couldn't understand each other or even know where each word begins and ends. The challenge with AI languages is even greater, as they might organise information in ways completely foreign to human linguistic patterns. Fortunately, linguists have developed sophisticated tools using information theory to interpret unknown languages. Just as archaeologists piece together ancient languages from fragments, we use patterns in AI conversations to understand their linguistic structure. Sometimes we find surprising similarities to human languages, and other times we discover entirely novel ways of communication . These tools help us peek into the "black box" of AI communication, revealing how artificial agents develop their own unique ways of sharing information. My recent work focuses on using what the agents see and say to interpret their language. Imagine having a transcript of a conversation in a language unknown to you, along with what each speaker was looking at. We can match patterns in the transcript to objects in the participant's field of vision, building statistical connections between words and objects. For example, perhaps the phrase "yayo" coincides with a bird flying past — we could guess that "yayo" is the speaker's word for "bird". Through careful analysis of these patterns, we can begin to decode the meaning behind the communication. In the latest paper by me and my colleagues, to appear in the conference proceedings of Neural Information Processing Systems (NeurIPS), we show that such methods can be used to reverse-engineer at least parts of the AIs' language and syntax, giving us insights into how they might structure communication. Aliens and autonomous systems How does this connect to aliens ? The methods we're developing for understanding AI languages could help us decipher any future alien communications. If we are able to obtain some written alien text together with some context (such as visual information relating to the text), we could apply the same statistical tools to analyze them. The approaches we're developing today could be useful tools in the future study of alien languages, known as xenolinguistics. But we don't need to find extraterrestrials to benefit from this research. There are numerous applications , from improving language models like ChatGPT or Claude to improving communication between autonomous vehicles or drones . By decoding emergent languages, we can make future technology easier to understand. Whether it's knowing how self-driving cars coordinate their movements or how AI systems make decisions, we're not just creating intelligent systems — we're learning to understand them. This edited article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article .IPO News Today Live Updates: Navigate the dynamic world of initial public offerings with our dedicated IPO News section. Here, we bring you the latest updates on companies stepping into the public market, offering insights into their financial strategies, valuation, and market reception. Whether you're an investor looking for new opportunities or simply curious about the financial markets, our coverage provides essential information on IPO timelines, pricing, and performance post-listing. Stay informed about which companies are making their debut on the stock exchange and understand the trends and factors influencing their decisions to go public in today's economic landscape. IPO News Today Live: 6:11 bonus shares, 1:10 stock split: Multibagger SME IPO turns ₹1 lakh into ₹25.93 lakh in seven years

In recent years, Carter had received various hospital treatments, including when he revealed in August 2015 that he had brain cancer and was undergoing radiation treatment — an illness he recovered from, seemingly against the odds. In addition to being president, the 100-year-old was a U.S. Navy submarine officer, a farmer, a diplomat, a Nobel laureate, a Sunday school teacher and one of the world’s most well-known humanitarians. Carter won the presidency in 1976, following the Nixon and Ford administrations, at a time of grave political and social tumult not unlike our own. During his tenure, the Democrat prioritized human rights and social justice , enjoying a solid first two years, which included brokering a peace deal between Israel and Egypt dubbed the Camp David Accords . But his administration hit numerous snags — the most serious being the taking of U.S. hostages in Iran and the disastrous failed attempt to rescue the 52 captive Americans in 1980 . The blowback from the U.S. boycott of the 1980 Summer Olympics , held in the former Soviet Union in response to that country’s invasion of Afghanistan, may have also hurt Carter. Richard Moe, who served from 1977 to 1981 as chief of staff to Vice President Walter Mondale, offered an alternative view of Carter’s presidency in 2015 , citing numerous achievements. “ As worthy as Jimmy Carter’s post-presidency has been, it shouldn’t overshadow his time in office, which has been too often overlooked, and which stands in sharp contrast to what we see in the [ Trump administration],” Moe said. In November 1980, Republican challenger Ronald Reagan beat Carter, relegating him to a single term of office on a wave of staunch conservatism. “We told the truth, we obeyed the law, and we kept the peace,” said Vice President Walter Mondale at the end of Carter’s term . In the introduction of his 2015 book, A Full Life , Carter repeated the Mondale quote, adding, “We championed human rights.” As the years passed, a more nuanced image of Carter emerged, taking into account his post-presidential activities and reassessing his achievements. He founded the Carter Center in 1982 to pursue his vision of world diplomacy and received the 2002 Nobel Peace Prize for his efforts to promote social and economic justice. Carter said basic Christian tenets such as justice and love served as the bedrock of his presidency, and the ex-president taught Sunday school at Maranatha Baptist, his church in Plains, well into his 90s. Sen. Raphael Warnock of Georgia, who is also a senior pastor at Ebenezer Baptist Church where Martin Luther King, Jr. preached, wished the Carter family comfort as the former president entered hospice. "Across life's seasons, President Jimmy Carter, a man of great faith, has walked with God," Warnock tweeted. "In this tender time of transitioning, God is surely walking with him." Both Jimmy and Rosalynn Carter made plans to be buried at their family home in Plains , near “a willow tree at the pond’s edge, on a gentle sloping lawn, where they will be buried in graves marked by simple stones.” The Carters’ property has already been deeded to the National Park Service. With additional reporting from AFP.

Youngest person treated by Nanoknife is cancer-free