In the wee hours Sunday at the United Nations climate talks, countries from around the world reached an agreement on how rich countries can cough up the funds to support poor countries in the face of climate change. It's a far-from-perfect arrangement, with many parties still unsatisfied but some hopeful that the deal will be a step in the right direction. Watch NBC Bay Area News 📺 Streaming free 24/7 World Resources Institute president and CEO Ani Dasgupta called it “an important down payment toward a safer, more equitable future,” but added that the poorest and most vulnerable nations are “rightfully disappointed that wealthier countries didn’t put more money on the table when billions of people’s lives are at stake.” The summit was supposed to end on Friday evening but negotiations spiraled on through early Sunday. With countries on opposite ends of a massive chasm, tensions ran high as delegations tried to close the gap in expectations. Here's how they got there: What was the finance deal agreed at climate talks? Rich countries have agreed to pool together at least $300 billion a year by 2035. It’s not near the full amount of $1.3 trillion that developing countries were asking for, and that experts said was needed. But some delegations said this deal is headed in the right direction, with hopes that more money flows in the future. The text included a call for all parties to work together using “all public and private sources” to get closer to the $1.3 trillion per year goal by 2035. That means also pushing for international mega-banks, funded by taxpayer dollars, to help foot the bill. And it means, hopefully, that companies and private investors will follow suit on channeling cash toward climate action. The agreement is also a critical step toward helping countries on the receiving end create more ambitious targets to limit or cut emissions of heat-trapping gases that are due early next year. It’s part of the plan to keep cutting pollution with new targets every five years, which the world agreed to at the U.N. talks in Paris in 2015. The Paris agreement set the system of regular ratcheting up climate fighting ambition as away to keep warming under 1.5 degrees Celsius (2.7 degrees Fahrenheit) above pre-industrial levels. The world is already at 1.3 degrees Celsius (2.3 degrees Fahrenheit) and carbon emissions keep rising. What will the money be spent on? The deal decided in Baku replaces a previous agreement from 15 years ago that charged rich nations $100 billion a year to help the developing world with climate finance. The new number has similar aims: it will go toward the developing world's long laundry list of to-dos to prepare for a warming world and keep it from getting hotter. That includes paying for the transition to clean energy and away from fossil fuels. Countries need funds to build up the infrastructure needed to deploy technologies like wind and solar power on a large scale. Communities hard-hit by extreme weather also want money to adapt and prepare for events like floods, typhoons and fires. Funds could go toward improving farming practices to make them more resilient to weather extremes, to building houses differently with storms in mind, to helping people move from the hardest-hit areas and to help leaders improve emergency plans and aid in the wake of disasters. The Philippines, for example, has been hammered by six major storms in less than a month, bringing to millions of people howling wind, massive storm surges and catastrophic damage to residences, infrastructure and farmland. “Family farmers need to be financed," said Esther Penunia of the Asian Farmers Association. She described how many have already had to deal with millions of dollars of storm damage, some of which includes trees that won't again bear fruit for months or years, or animals that die, wiping out a main source of income. “If you think of a rice farmer who depends on his or her one hectare farm, rice land, ducks, chickens, vegetables, and it was inundated, there was nothing to harvest,” she said. Why was it so hard to get a deal? Election results around the world that herald a change in climate leadership, a few key players with motive to stall the talks and a disorganized host country all led to a final crunch that left few happy with a flawed compromise. The ending of COP29 is "reflective of the harder geopolitical terrain the world finds itself in,” said Li Shuo of the Asia Society. He cited Trump's recent victory in the US — with his promises to pull the country out of the Paris Agreement — as one reason why the relationship between China and the EU will be more consequential for global climate politics moving forward. Developing nations also faced some difficulties agreeing in the final hours, with one Latin American delegation member saying that their group didn't feel properly consulted when small island states had last-minute meetings to try to break through to a deal. Negotiators from across the developing world took different tacks on the deal until they finally agreed to compromise. Meanwhile, activists ramped up the pressure: many urged negotiators to stay strong and asserted that no deal would be better than a bad deal. But ultimately the desire for a deal won out. Some also pointed to the host country as a reason for the struggle. Mohamed Adow, director of climate and energy think tank Power Shift Africa, said Friday that “this COP presidency is one of the worst in recent memory,” calling it “one of the most poorly led and chaotic COP meetings ever.” The presidency said in a statement, “Every hour of the day, we have pulled people together. Every inch of the way, we have pushed for the highest common denominator. We have faced geopolitical headwinds and made every effort to be an honest broker for all sides.” Shuo retains hope that the opportunities offered by a green economy “make inaction self-defeating” for countries around the world, regardless of their stance on the decision. But it remains to be seen whether the UN talks can deliver more ambition next year. In the meantime, “this COP process needs to recover from Baku,” Shuo said. ___ Associated Press reporters Seth Borenstein and Sibi Arasu contributed to this report. ___ The Associated Press’ climate and environmental coverage receives financial support from multiple private foundations. AP is solely responsible for all content. Find AP’s standards for working with philanthropies, a list of supporters and funded coverage areas at AP.org.'No one gives you power – you take it': Democrats seek younger leaders to challenge Trumpjolito 。

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ATLANTA (AP) — Jimmy Carter, the peanut farmer who won the presidency in the wake of the Watergate scandal and Vietnam War, endured humbling defeat after one tumultuous term and then redefined life after the White House as a global humanitarian, has died. He was 100 years old. The longest-lived American president died on Sunday, more than a year after entering hospice care , at his home in the small town of Plains, Georgia, where he and his wife, Rosalynn, who died at 96 in November 2023 , spent most of their lives, The Carter Center said. Businessman, Navy officer, evangelist, politician, negotiator, author, woodworker, citizen of the world — Carter forged a path that still challenges political assumptions and stands out among the 45 men who reached the nation’s highest office. The 39th president leveraged his ambition with a keen intellect, deep religious faith and prodigious work ethic, conducting diplomatic missions into his 80s and building houses for the poor well into his 90s. “My faith demands — this is not optional — my faith demands that I do whatever I can, wherever I am, whenever I can, for as long as I can, with whatever I have to try to make a difference,” Carter once said. A president from Plains A moderate Democrat, Carter entered the 1976 presidential race as a little-known Georgia governor with a broad smile, outspoken Baptist mores and technocratic plans reflecting his education as an engineer. His no-frills campaign depended on public financing, and his promise not to deceive the American people resonated after Richard Nixon’s disgrace and U.S. defeat in southeast Asia. “If I ever lie to you, if I ever make a misleading statement, don’t vote for me. I would not deserve to be your president,” Carter repeated before narrowly beating Republican incumbent Gerald Ford, who had lost popularity pardoning Nixon. Carter governed amid Cold War pressures, turbulent oil markets and social upheaval over racism, women’s rights and America’s global role. His most acclaimed achievement in office was a Mideast peace deal that he brokered by keeping Egyptian President Anwar Sadat and Israeli Prime Minister Menachem Begin at the bargaining table for 13 days in 1978. That Camp David experience inspired the post-presidential center where Carter would establish so much of his legacy. Yet Carter’s electoral coalition splintered under double-digit inflation, gasoline lines and the 444-day hostage crisis in Iran. His bleakest hour came when eight Americans died in a failed hostage rescue in April 1980, helping to ensure his landslide defeat to Republican Ronald Reagan. Carter acknowledged in his 2020 “White House Diary” that he could be “micromanaging” and “excessively autocratic,” complicating dealings with Congress and the federal bureaucracy. He also turned a cold shoulder to Washington’s news media and lobbyists, not fully appreciating their influence on his political fortunes. “It didn’t take us long to realize that the underestimation existed, but by that time we were not able to repair the mistake,” Carter told historians in 1982, suggesting that he had “an inherent incompatibility” with Washington insiders. Carter insisted his overall approach was sound and that he achieved his primary objectives — to “protect our nation’s security and interests peacefully” and “enhance human rights here and abroad” — even if he fell spectacularly short of a second term. And then, the world Ignominious defeat, though, allowed for renewal. The Carters founded The Carter Center in 1982 as a first-of-its-kind base of operations, asserting themselves as international peacemakers and champions of democracy, public health and human rights. “I was not interested in just building a museum or storing my White House records and memorabilia,” Carter wrote in a memoir published after his 90th birthday. “I wanted a place where we could work.” That work included easing nuclear tensions in North and South Korea, helping to avert a U.S. invasion of Haiti and negotiating cease-fires in Bosnia and Sudan. By 2022, The Carter Center had declared at least 113 elections in Latin America, Asia and Africa to be free or fraudulent. Recently, the center began monitoring U.S. elections as well. Carter’s stubborn self-assuredness and even self-righteousness proved effective once he was unencumbered by the Washington order, sometimes to the point of frustrating his successors . He went “where others are not treading,” he said, to places like Ethiopia, Liberia and North Korea, where he secured the release of an American who had wandered across the border in 2010. “I can say what I like. I can meet whom I want. I can take on projects that please me and reject the ones that don’t,” Carter said. He announced an arms-reduction-for-aid deal with North Korea without clearing the details with Bill Clinton’s White House. He openly criticized President George W. Bush for the 2003 invasion of Iraq. He also criticized America’s approach to Israel with his 2006 book “Palestine: Peace Not Apartheid.” And he repeatedly countered U.S. administrations by insisting North Korea should be included in international affairs, a position that most aligned Carter with Republican President Donald Trump. Among the center’s many public health initiatives, Carter vowed to eradicate the guinea worm parasite during his lifetime, and nearly achieved it: Cases dropped from millions in the 1980s to nearly a handful. With hardhats and hammers, the Carters also built homes with Habitat for Humanity. The Nobel committee’s 2002 Peace Prize cites his “untiring effort to find peaceful solutions to international conflicts, to advance democracy and human rights, and to promote economic and social development.” Carter should have won it alongside Sadat and Begin in 1978, the chairman added. Carter accepted the recognition saying there was more work to be done. “The world is now, in many ways, a more dangerous place,” he said. “The greater ease of travel and communication has not been matched by equal understanding and mutual respect.” ‘An epic American life’ Carter’s globetrotting took him to remote villages where he met little “Jimmy Carters,” so named by admiring parents. But he spent most of his days in the same one-story Plains house — expanded and guarded by Secret Service agents — where they lived before he became governor. He regularly taught Sunday School lessons at Maranatha Baptist Church until his mobility declined and the coronavirus pandemic raged. Those sessions drew visitors from around the world to the small sanctuary where Carter will receive his final send-off after a state funeral at Washington’s National Cathedral. The common assessment that he was a better ex-president than president rankled Carter and his allies. His prolific post-presidency gave him a brand above politics, particularly for Americans too young to witness him in office. But Carter also lived long enough to see biographers and historians reassess his White House years more generously. His record includes the deregulation of key industries, reduction of U.S. dependence on foreign oil, cautious management of the national debt and notable legislation on the environment, education and mental health. He focused on human rights in foreign policy, pressuring dictators to release thousands of political prisoners . He acknowledged America’s historical imperialism, pardoned Vietnam War draft evaders and relinquished control of the Panama Canal. He normalized relations with China. “I am not nominating Jimmy Carter for a place on Mount Rushmore,” Stuart Eizenstat, Carter’s domestic policy director, wrote in a 2018 book. “He was not a great president” but also not the “hapless and weak” caricature voters rejected in 1980, Eizenstat said. Rather, Carter was “good and productive” and “delivered results, many of which were realized only after he left office.” Madeleine Albright, a national security staffer for Carter and Clinton’s secretary of state, wrote in Eizenstat’s forward that Carter was “consequential and successful” and expressed hope that “perceptions will continue to evolve” about his presidency. “Our country was lucky to have him as our leader,” said Albright, who died in 2022. Jonathan Alter, who penned a comprehensive Carter biography published in 2020, said in an interview that Carter should be remembered for “an epic American life” spanning from a humble start in a home with no electricity or indoor plumbing through decades on the world stage across two centuries. “He will likely go down as one of the most misunderstood and underestimated figures in American history,” Alter told The Associated Press. A small-town start James Earl Carter Jr. was born Oct. 1, 1924, in Plains and spent his early years in nearby Archery. His family was a minority in the mostly Black community, decades before the civil rights movement played out at the dawn of Carter’s political career. Carter, who campaigned as a moderate on race relations but governed more progressively, talked often of the influence of his Black caregivers and playmates but also noted his advantages: His land-owning father sat atop Archery’s tenant-farming system and owned a main street grocery. His mother, Lillian , would become a staple of his political campaigns. Seeking to broaden his world beyond Plains and its population of fewer than 1,000 — then and now — Carter won an appointment to the U.S. Naval Academy, graduating in 1946. That same year he married Rosalynn Smith, another Plains native, a decision he considered more important than any he made as head of state. She shared his desire to see the world, sacrificing college to support his Navy career. Carter climbed in rank to lieutenant, but then his father was diagnosed with cancer, so the submarine officer set aside his ambitions of admiralty and moved the family back to Plains. His decision angered Rosalynn, even as she dived into the peanut business alongside her husband. Carter again failed to talk with his wife before his first run for office — he later called it “inconceivable” not to have consulted her on such major life decisions — but this time, she was on board. “My wife is much more political,” Carter told the AP in 2021. He won a state Senate seat in 1962 but wasn’t long for the General Assembly and its back-slapping, deal-cutting ways. He ran for governor in 1966 — losing to arch-segregationist Lester Maddox — and then immediately focused on the next campaign. Carter had spoken out against church segregation as a Baptist deacon and opposed racist “Dixiecrats” as a state senator. Yet as a local school board leader in the 1950s he had not pushed to end school segregation even after the Supreme Court’s Brown v. Board of Education decision, despite his private support for integration. And in 1970, Carter ran for governor again as the more conservative Democrat against Carl Sanders, a wealthy businessman Carter mocked as “Cufflinks Carl.” Sanders never forgave him for anonymous, race-baiting flyers, which Carter disavowed. Ultimately, Carter won his races by attracting both Black voters and culturally conservative whites. Once in office, he was more direct. “I say to you quite frankly that the time for racial discrimination is over,” he declared in his 1971 inaugural address, setting a new standard for Southern governors that landed him on the cover of Time magazine. ‘Jimmy Who?’ His statehouse initiatives included environmental protection, boosting rural education and overhauling antiquated executive branch structures. He proclaimed Martin Luther King Jr. Day in the slain civil rights leader’s home state. And he decided, as he received presidential candidates in 1972, that they were no more talented than he was. In 1974, he ran Democrats’ national campaign arm. Then he declared his own candidacy for 1976. An Atlanta newspaper responded with the headline: “Jimmy Who?” The Carters and a “Peanut Brigade” of family members and Georgia supporters camped out in Iowa and New Hampshire, establishing both states as presidential proving grounds. His first Senate endorsement: a young first-termer from Delaware named Joe Biden. Yet it was Carter’s ability to navigate America’s complex racial and rural politics that cemented the nomination. He swept the Deep South that November, the last Democrat to do so, as many white Southerners shifted to Republicans in response to civil rights initiatives. A self-declared “born-again Christian,” Carter drew snickers by referring to Scripture in a Playboy magazine interview, saying he “had looked on many women with lust. I’ve committed adultery in my heart many times.” The remarks gave Ford a new foothold and television comedians pounced — including NBC’s new “Saturday Night Live” show. But voters weary of cynicism in politics found it endearing. Carter chose Minnesota Sen. Walter “Fritz” Mondale as his running mate on a “Grits and Fritz” ticket. In office, he elevated the vice presidency and the first lady’s office. Mondale’s governing partnership was a model for influential successors Al Gore, Dick Cheney and Biden. Rosalynn Carter was one of the most involved presidential spouses in history, welcomed into Cabinet meetings and huddles with lawmakers and top aides. The Carters presided with uncommon informality: He used his nickname “Jimmy” even when taking the oath of office, carried his own luggage and tried to silence the Marine Band’s “Hail to the Chief.” They bought their clothes off the rack. Carter wore a cardigan for a White House address, urging Americans to conserve energy by turning down their thermostats. Amy, the youngest of four children, attended District of Columbia public school. Washington’s social and media elite scorned their style. But the larger concern was that “he hated politics,” according to Eizenstat, leaving him nowhere to turn politically once economic turmoil and foreign policy challenges took their toll. Accomplishments, and ‘malaise’ Carter partially deregulated the airline, railroad and trucking industries and established the departments of Education and Energy, and the Federal Emergency Management Agency. He designated millions of acres of Alaska as national parks or wildlife refuges. He appointed a then-record number of women and nonwhite people to federal posts. He never had a Supreme Court nomination, but he elevated civil rights attorney Ruth Bader Ginsburg to the nation’s second highest court, positioning her for a promotion in 1993. He appointed Paul Volker, the Federal Reserve chairman whose policies would help the economy boom in the 1980s — after Carter left office. He built on Nixon’s opening with China, and though he tolerated autocrats in Asia, pushed Latin America from dictatorships to democracy. But he couldn’t immediately tame inflation or the related energy crisis. And then came Iran. After he admitted the exiled Shah of Iran to the U.S. for medical treatment, the American Embassy in Tehran was overrun in 1979 by followers of the Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini. Negotiations to free the hostages broke down repeatedly ahead of the failed rescue attempt. The same year, Carter signed SALT II, the new strategic arms treaty with Leonid Brezhnev of the Soviet Union, only to pull it back, impose trade sanctions and order a U.S. boycott of the Moscow Olympics after the Soviets invaded Afghanistan. Hoping to instill optimism, he delivered what the media dubbed his “malaise” speech, although he didn’t use that word. He declared the nation was suffering “a crisis of confidence.” By then, many Americans had lost confidence in the president, not themselves. Carter campaigned sparingly for reelection because of the hostage crisis, instead sending Rosalynn as Sen. Edward M. Kennedy challenged him for the Democratic nomination. Carter famously said he’d “kick his ass,” but was hobbled by Kennedy as Reagan rallied a broad coalition with “make America great again” appeals and asking voters whether they were “better off than you were four years ago.” Reagan further capitalized on Carter’s lecturing tone, eviscerating him in their lone fall debate with the quip: “There you go again.” Carter lost all but six states and Republicans rolled to a new Senate majority. Carter successfully negotiated the hostages’ freedom after the election, but in one final, bitter turn of events, Tehran waited until hours after Carter left office to let them walk free. ‘A wonderful life’ At 56, Carter returned to Georgia with “no idea what I would do with the rest of my life.” Four decades after launching The Carter Center, he still talked of unfinished business. “I thought when we got into politics we would have resolved everything,” Carter told the AP in 2021. “But it’s turned out to be much more long-lasting and insidious than I had thought it was. I think in general, the world itself is much more divided than in previous years.” Still, he affirmed what he said when he underwent treatment for a cancer diagnosis in his 10th decade of life. “I’m perfectly at ease with whatever comes,” he said in 2015 . “I’ve had a wonderful life. I’ve had thousands of friends, I’ve had an exciting, adventurous and gratifying existence.” ___ Former Associated Press journalist Alex Sanz contributed to this report.By LOLITA BALDOR and FATIMA HUSSEIN WEST PALM BEACH, Fla. (AP) — President-elect Donald Trump said Wednesday that he has chosen Keith Kellogg, a highly decorated retired three-star general, to serve as his special envoy for Ukraine and Russia. Kellogg, who is one of the architects of a staunchly conservative policy book that lays out an “America First” national security agenda for the incoming administration, will come into the role as Russia’s invasion of Ukraine enters its third year in February. Trump made the announcement on his Truth Social account, and said “He was with me right from the beginning! Together, we will secure PEACE THROUGH STRENGTH, and Make America, and the World, SAFE AGAIN!” Kellogg, an 80 year-old retired Army lieutenant general who has long been Trump’s top adviser on defense issues, served as national security adviser to Vice President Mike Pence , was chief of staff of the National Security Council and then stepped in as an acting security adviser for Trump after Michael Flynn resigned. As special envoy for Ukraine and Russia, Kellogg will have to navigate an increasingly untenable war between the two nations. The Biden administration has begun urging Ukraine to quickly increase the size of its military by drafting more troops and revamping its mobilization laws to allow for the conscription of troops as young as 18. The White House has pushed more than $56 billion in security assistance to Ukraine since the start of Russia’s February 2022 invasion and expects to send billions more to Kyiv before Biden leaves office in less than months. Trump has criticized the billions that the Biden administration has poured into Ukraine. Washington has recently stepped up weapons shipments and has forgiven billions in loans provided to Kyiv. The incoming Republican president has said he could end the war in 24 hours, comments that appear to suggest he would press Ukraine to surrender territory that Russia now occupies. As a co-chairman of the American First Policy Institute’s Center for American Security, Kellogg wrote several of the chapters in the group’s policy book. The book, like the Heritage Foundation’s “Project 2025,” is a move to lay out a Trump national security agenda and avoid the mistakes of 2016 when he entered the White House largely unprepared. Kellogg in April wrote that “bringing the Russia-Ukraine war to a close will require strong, America First leadership to deliver a peace deal and immediately end the hostilities between the two warring parties.” Trump’s proposed national security advisor U.S. Rep. Michael Waltz (R-Fla.) tweeted Wednesday that “Keith has dedicated his life to defending our great country and is committed to bringing the war in Ukraine to a peaceful resolution.” Kellogg was a character in multiple Trump investigations dating to his first term. He was among the administration officials who listened in on the July 2019 call between Trump and Volodymyr Zelenskyy in which Trump prodded his Ukrainian counterpart to pursue investigations into the Bidens. The call, which Kellogg would later say did not raise any concerns on his end, was at the center of the first of two House impeachment cases against Trump, who was acquitted by the Senate both times. On Jan. 6, 2021, hours before pro-Trump rioters stormed the U.S. Capitol, Kellogg, who was then Pence’s national security adviser, listened in on a heated call in which Trump told his vice president to object or delay the certification in Congress of President Joe Biden ’s victory. He later told House investigators that he recalled Trump saying to Pence words to the effect of: “You’re not tough enough to make the call.” Baldor reported from Washington. AP writer Eric Tucker in Washington contributed to this report.

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People visit an exhibition of Chinese electric vehicle maker BYD at the Essen Motor Show in Essen, Germany, Nov. 29. AP-Yonhap Chinese carmakers eye Korea to offset falling sales in Europe BYD is expected to make quicker inroads into the Korean market by leveraging potential ties with Affinity Equity Partners, a Hong Kong-based private equity firm that holds management rights for the two largest rental car companies in the country, industry officials and experts said, Thursday. The Chinese electric vehicle (EV) maker is nearing the completion of preparations for passenger car sales in Korea, ahead of its official debut in January. The company is the world's largest EV manufacturer based on global sales volume. BYD's upcoming debut may not pose an immediate threat to Korean competitors, given the relatively low perception of Chinese vehicles among local customers. However, market watchers acknowledge the possibility that the EV giant could gradually build its brand awareness by supplying its flagship EV models to major rental car operators. "Korean customers still have limited trust in Chinese vehicles, but this could change as the perception of BYD improves after a significant number of the company's EVs are supplied to rental car firms nationwide," said an official from the local auto industry. In June, Affinity took over a controlling stake in SK Rent-a-Car, the nation’s second-largest rental car business operator. Early this month, Affinity was named the preferred bidder to acquire Lotte Rental, the market leader in the sector. As of the end of September, the two firms’ combined market share reached over 35 percent here, operating some 450,000 rental cars. BYD's K9 electric bus / Courtesy of BYD “If BYD clears away any lingering concerns over its quality and draws more favorable responses from customers, the carmaker will be able to expand its footing, as was the case with Chinese EV buses which have achieved robust growth here for the past few years,” the official said. In 2019, Chinese electric buses accounted for just 23.9 percent of the market in Korea, but this figure surged to 54.1 percent last year, driven by their unmatched price competitiveness. Experts have raised concerns that the share of Chinese EV makers in the Korean market is likely to grow, as the country is unable to impose significant sanctions through tariffs. “Korea will not be able to impose countervailing duties on Chinese EVs, as the local economy is highly vulnerable to retaliatory measures from China (due to Korea’s strong trade reliance on China),” said Kim Pil-soo, an automotive technology professor at Daelim University College. According to data from auto market tracker DataForce, Chinese EVs have experienced sluggish growth in Europe due to punitive tariffs on vehicles imported from the world’s second-largest economy. In November, Chinese EVs accounted for 7.4 percent of the European EV market, a decrease of 0.8 percentage point from the previous month and the lowest figure since March of this year. However, the scenario is not feasible in Korea whose economy is heavily reliant on trade with China, according to Kim. Starting with BYD, several other Chinese EV makers are set to enter the Korean market, hoping to replicate their success in the EV bus market and expand their foothold in the passenger EV sector, the expert said. "There is a growing likelihood that the market share of Chinese passenger EVs will increase in Korea, which could pose a threat to Korea's key industrial sectors, such as EVs and batteries," he said. To remove this article -Bloomington businesses have been planning ahead for Illinois minimum wage increase to $15

Towards the end of Sunday’s 2-0 loss at Liverpool, Guardiola was subjected to chants that he would be “sacked in the morning” from Reds fans and responded by holding up six fingers, to represent the number of Premier League titles he has won with City. Two days later, when was asked about former Chelsea boss Mourinho holding up three fingers before being axed by Manchester United in 2018, he said: “I hope not in my case. Maybe in the end we are quite similar, (and I’m) like Jose. But he won three, I won six.” Mourinho, now in charge at Fenerbahce, on Friday was quoted by Turkey’s Sporx as saying: “I want to win, but I want to win cleanly and fairly. He (Guardiola) won six trophies and I won three, but I won fair and clean. If I lost, I want to congratulate my opponent for being better than me. I don’t want to win by dealing with 150 cases.” City were charged with 115 alleged breaches of top-flight financial rules in February 2023, and with failing to co-operate with the subsequent investigation. The club have denied the charges and an outcome is expected next year. Asked about Mourinho’s remarks at his pre-match press conference ahead of Saturday’s trip to Crystal Palace, Guardiola said: “It was a joke. But he’s another one in the huge list that they want the team being in, I don’t know, League One or the Conference. “I would say to Jose the same – we are innocent until proven guilty, and after that we will see what happens. It is what it is. It was completely a joke. “I think both with our teams, him with Chelsea, myself with Man City, we can sit at the table with Sir Alex Ferguson and Arsene Wenger (who won 13 league titles with United and three with Arsenal respectively), right? For the many, many titles we won. “If I have offended him (Mourinho) I’m so sorry, but it was a joke. The fact is he has three and I have six. This is a fact. But the intention was completely fine. “It is another one from the huge list in this country and more around the world that want us at the bottom. “It’s OK, it’s fine. I’ve said many times wait for the sentence and everyone, especially in democracy, is innocent until proven guilty. Right? So we’ll wait, and after we’ll see.” As well as the six league titles, City’s haul of silverware since Guardiola took charge in 2016 includes two FA Cups and four League Cups, and he has also overseen them winning the Champions League, Super Cup and Club World Cup. Guardiola was asked if he had ever envisaged it being as good as it has been when he arrived at the club, and the former Barcelona and Bayern Munich head coach said: “No. I remember many people say ‘he wins because it’s Barcelona with Leo Messi and the other ones’, I had to prove it in England. OK, we did it.” The result at Anfield was a sixth defeat in a seven-game winless run for City, and fourth league loss in a row – a sequence they then ended with Wednesday’s 3-0 home victory over Nottingham Forest. The champions currently lie fourth, nine points behind Arne Slot’s leaders Liverpool, and Guardiola said: “We broke that bad run. Always it’s not easy when you don’t win for a long time, and now you break it and we have to try to continue with the players, the spirit we show, and we’ll see what happens.” The last two matches have seen Stefan Ortega play in goal, with Ederson on the bench, and asked what the latter had to do to get back in the team, Guardiola said: “He needs the manager to select him. This is what he needs, it’s simple.”

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Thanksgiving isn't traditionally the time for receiving gifts, but that's not stopping Digital Extremes from doing a giveaway of its own. The developer behind Warframe is offering its 2008 third-person shooter Dark Sector for free, but you only have until November 30 to claim it. Digital Extremes shared the announcement on X, as well as Dark Sector's page on Steam where the game is temporarily yours for the taking. Digital Extremes credits Dark Sector for inspiring Warframe, and the game was initially released on PC, Xbox 360, and PlayStation 3. The story puts players in control of covert operative Hayden Tenno as he embarks on a mission behind enemy lines in the Eastern European nation of Lasria. He'll soon discover that there's a deadly secret that leaves him infected by a bio-weapon called the Technocyte Virus. Ordinarily, the Technocyte virus turns its victims into mindless killing machines. Hayden avoided that fate--for now at least--and he's been left with superhuman abilities that may give him the edge if he wants to make it out of Lasria alive. During the summer, Digital Extremes offered up a preview for Warframe's next expansion, Warframe: 1999 . The story thrusts players on an alternate Earth, and it looks very intriguing so far. Additionally, Digital Extremes granted a child's Make-A-Wish to be a voice actor in the upcoming expansion when it arrives later this year. If you're looking for more recent games and big sales, check out our Black Friday roundup !Jimmy Carter, Former U.S. President and Nobel Peace Prize Winner, Dies at 100

Robert Carter Nicholas IV, a descendant of the local administrator of the 18th-century Williamsburg Bray School, visited Williamsburg on Monday and took a tour of the restored school building that his ancestor supported. Robert Carter Nicholas Sr., known as “the treasurer” because he served from 1766 to 1775 as the last treasurer of the Colony of Virginia, served as one of the trustees of the Bray School, a charity school for free and enslaved Black children encouraged by Benjamin Franklin. The school was in operation from 1760 to 1774. Accompanying Nicholas IV on the visit were his sons, Robert Carter Nicholas V, 22, a student at the University of Colorado at Boulder, and James Wilson Nicholas, 18, a student at Elon University in North Carolina. Nicholas IV and his family have lived for the past 11 years in Madrid, Spain, having earlier lived in the Washington, D.C., area. His sons, while on Thanksgiving break, were scheduled to visit their grandmother in Washington; their father arranged to join them. Because they were going to be nearby, he suggested they visit Williamsburg and the Bray School to learn more about their ancestor and his relationship with the school. Several years ago, while “looking up my family tree on Ancestry.com, I learned about their connection with William & Mary. I then looked at William & Mary and found out about the Bray School,” Nicholas IV said. “The family has long known about Robert Carter Nicholas and his important position in colonial Virginia, but not about the Bray School and its history.” The building that housed the school is being restored by Colonial Williamsburg, and earlier this month was dedicated in the 250th anniversary year of the school’s closing. While the school isn’t scheduled to be fully open to the public until next year, the Nicholas family was able to get a tour while in the area. Dani Jaworski, manager of the Colonial Williamsburg Architectural Collection, was on hand Monday to explain the restoration effort and help answer questions as the Nicholas family toured the building, which sits at the corner of South Nassau and West Francis streets. She agreed that it was rare for a descendant of a colonial resident to visit Colonial Williamsburg. Nicholas V was very interested in various holes in the original wood beams in the building’s first floor. He was told that the holes and discoloration were because of the lathes used for the original plaster of the walls. He also asked about the stairway and banister that he was told were original to the building. “I’m amazed that wood that formed the building,” he said looking around the structure, “is still here more than 200 years. It is also impressive that the building has survived its several moves, including the most recent” to the current site in February 2023. Nicholas IV was impressed with the way the Bray School would be presented to the public and how much extensive research had been done in recent years. “It was nice that an ancestor had played an important role in making it a reality,” he added. Jaworski pointed out that Black descendants of the school’s students recently had signed their names to a portion of the restored structure. The family took an opportunity to look at the signatures that had brought the school’s history up to the present day. A letter from Nicholas Sr., on Nov. 17, 1774, to the Rev. John Waring of Associates of the Bray School in London, told of the school’s status. Nicholas Sr. wrote that Ann Wager “of the Negro School at Williamsburg” had died. “Seeing no prospect” of a continuation, the school was closed. From late 1761 until its closure, Nicholas Sr. had been the principle contact between the school and its London-based supporters. In addition to “managing” the school, the family learned that Nicholas Sr. also arranged for two of his enslaved children, living in town, to attend. In a Sept. 13, 1765, letter also to Waring, he wrote, “I have a Negro Girl (most probably) in my Family, who was taught at this School upwards of three Years & made as good a progress as most.” Another girl, Sarah, born in 1769, also attended in the late years of the school. Both students’ names are found in the list of school children provided by Nicholas to the Bray Associates. In correspondence with the associates, Nicholas explained the school’s plans there were “by no Means calculated to instruct the Slaves in dangerous Principles (i.e., freedom), but on the contrary ... to reform their Manners; & by making them good Christians they would necessarily become better Servants.” Over the years, the building has survived centuries of use, renovations and enlargements and a move from its original site in 1930. It was rediscovered in 2020 by retired William & Mary professor Terry L. Meyers. As he stood on the building’s first floor, Nicholas IV expressed “mixed feelings of an ancestor being a slave holder,” but was pleased that the ancestor was actively involved in doing something good for the students at the school. “We all have a duty to history, accept the realities of it, and try to understand especially the aspects that might make us uncomfortable.” The Bray School in Williamsburg was formed in 1760 with William & Mary President Thomas Dawson and William Hunter, the printer of the Virginia Gazette, as the primary trustees. Dawson died later in 1760 and was succeeded by the subsequent W&M President the Rev. William Yates. In 1761, Hunter asked Nicholas Sr. to join the trustees. Hunter died later in the year after the death of Yates in 1764. Nicholas Sr. operated the school largely on his own. Born in 1728, Nicholas Sr. was a prominent lawyer, patriot, legislator and judge. He served in the Virginia House of Burgesses and its successor, the Virginia House of Delegates. As a burgess he served from James City County from 1766 to 1776 and as a delegate in 1776 to 1777. He was judge of the High Court of Chancery of Virginia when he died in 1780. Virginia politician Edmund Randolph, a member of the Continental Congress in 1779 and Virginia governor in 1786, described Nicholas Sr. as having a “complacent temper; in all his actions he was benevolent and liberal.” Nicholas IV, works in internet technologies, is the great-great-great-great-great-grandson of Nicholas Sr. and descends from Wilson Cary Nicholas, one of Nicholas Sr.’s several sons. Wilson Cary Nicholas, a William & Mary alumnus like his father, served as a U.S. Senator from Virginia from 1799. He was governor of Virginia from 1814-1816. He was born in 1761 in Williamsburg; later he owned a plantation in Albemarle County. Wilson Cary Nicholas also served in the Virginia House of Delegates and in the U.S. House of Representatives. He is buried in the Jefferson burial ground at Monticello, where he lived with his daughter, who was married to Thomas Jefferson Randolph, grandson of President Thomas Jefferson. The legacy of Wilson Cary Nicholas includes Nicholas County in West Virginia and Nicholas Hall, a dormitory at William & Mary. Wilford Kale, kalehouse@aol.com