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Sowei 2025-01-13
NORMAL – The Illinois State basketball team fought adversity Sunday at CEFCU Arena, and adversity won. Playing without No. 2 scorer Johnny Kinziger and losing top scorer Chase Walker early, the Redbirds also battled second-half foul trouble in a 73-67 loss to Illinois-Chicago before a crowd of 3,841. Here are nine takeaways from ISU’s second MVC defeat in as many outings that snapped a four-game winning streak. Walker’s hard fall Sophomore center Chase Walker scored ISU’s first six points. The final basket came on a dunk in transition off a pass from Dalton Banks just 2:04 into the game. But Walker fell hard, and after being down on the court for a couple minutes, limped to the ISU bench under his own power. Illinois State's Chase Walker puts up a shot around the defense of Illinois-Chicago's Sasa Ciani (21) on Sunday at CEFCU Arena. “It looked like he landed flat. He was up and landed hard,” ISU coach Ryan Pedon said. “It was good to see him walking around, but I think they’re being precautionary holding him back. We’re hoping for the best there.” A 6-foot-9 sophomore, Walker entered the game as ISU’s leader in scoring (15.3) and rebounding (6.7). After several minutes of treatment and evaluation, Walker returned to sit at the end of the ISU bench. He walked gingerly to the huddle during timeouts. “Chase draws so much attention. He compacts the defense, and adds an element of physicality,” said Pedon. “We missed those components.” Kinziger status Kinziger, who averages 13.8 points, did not play after suffering a bruised knee in the first half of ISU’s win at Cornell on Dec. 22. “I don’t think Johnny’s is a long term deal. It’s nothing major or structural that’s going to require surgery,” Pedon said. “I think he’s going to be all right. He’s getting better. I don’t know if it’s this week or next or something like that.” Fast start fades Ignited by Walker, ISU (8-5 overall) led 22-10 after a Caden Boser 3-pointer at the 11:02 mark of the first half. The Flames (8-4, 1-1 MVC) committed five early turnovers but began to heat up and pulled within 35-33 entering halftime. “Chase creates so much. He draws so much attention,” said graduate student guard Dalton Banks. “So for him to go down early obviously hurt. I think it’s more on us. I don’t think today we had the best next man up mentality. We made too many mistakes, especially defensively.” Illinois State's Caden Boser provided the defense on Illinois-Chicago's Javon Jackson on Sunday at CEFCU Arena. Poindexter steps in Taking over for Kinziger, graduate student guard Malachi Poindexter made his second start of the season and first since the opener. Poindexter responded with a season high 20 points, sinking 12 of 14 at the free throw line. “I’m just ready to play whatever role Coach wants me to be in at the time,” Poindexter said. “We have a couple guys out so my role might change a little bit. That’s what had to happen tonight. I’m just focusing on winning.” Illinois State coach Ryan Pedon encouraged his team during first half action Sunday against Illinois-Chicago at CEFCU Arena. “I thought Malachi gave us a really good performance,” said Pedon. “He shot 14 free throws. That tells you about his competitive will. I thought he played with real urgency. I admire that about Malachi.” Poindexter agreed with Banks that the Redbirds needed to respond to the absence of Kinziger and Walker better. “I think UIC did a good of just being tougher and stronger throughout the second half and part of the first half as well,” Poindexter said. “We hit them in the mouth early, but they swung back. We kind of curled up a little bit.” Second half troubles ISU starter Landon Wolf picked up his fourth foul with 17:30 left in the second half and sat out the next eight minutes. Boser, seeing more court time with Walker out, also sat down after being called for his fourth foul later in the half. UIC moved out to a 54-48 edge with 11:38 to play and did not relinquish the lead the rest of the way. The Redbirds pulled as close as four twice in the final minute. Illinois State's Dalton Banks (3) defended Illinois-Chicago's Jordan Mason (2) on Sunday at CEFCU Arena. “You’re going to lose guys. Guys are going to get hurt,” Banks said. “But you have to be able to step into your role when called on. That starts with me. I didn’t do what I needed to do in the second half in terms of leadership. We’ve obviously got to get healthy, but we have to get a little tougher collectively.” Banks finished with nine points and team highs of five assists (without a turnover) and two steals. ISU matched a season low with five turnovers. Ty Pence was the only other ISU player scoring in double figures with 10 as the Redbirds shot just 33 percent from the field in the second half (8 of 24) and 39.7 percent overall (23 of 58). “When you’re down two of your very best players, everybody’s got to elevate just a little bit in terms of reliability, production and just being sound and solid,” said Pedon. “We weren’t enough in those areas today. Our bench has got to be a little bit better.” 3-point slippage ISU came into Sunday as the No. 3 3-point shooting team in Division I at 41.8 percent. But the Redbirds coaxed in just 6 of 26 from beyond the arc Sunday for 23.1 percent. At 8 of 17, UIC attempted nine fewer from 3-point range but still connected on two more. Flames Filip Skobalj (eight points), Tyem Freeman (10) and Javon Jackson (14) combined for 6 of 10 long range accuracy. Sasa Ciana paced UIC with 16 points and his nine rebounds paved the way for a 38-31 margin on the boards. Skunberg bootless North Dakota State transfer Boden Skunberg, who has not played all season because of a foot injury, has shed the protective boot. “Progress, yes. He has not been full go at all,” said Pedon. “The progression he’s going through week by week is in relation to the tolerance level to pain he’s feeling. He’s been working really hard. There is some healing going on, and progress has been made.” The ISU coach will discuss the possibility of sitting out the entire season as a redshirt and returning for his final year of eligibility next season with Skunberg once a target date for his return has come clearer into focus. “When we feel like there is a date he could potentially return, then let’s sit down and talk and figure this out,” Pedon said. Lieb remains sidelined Center Brandon Lieb still is wearing a guard on one finger on his right hand. Lieb has been out the entire season. “He’s in the same boat. We don’t have a date yet,” said Pedon. “Progress is being made, but I think that’s a little more extended. We have a conversation and make a determination at that date as well.” Next up ISU heads to Kentucky to face Murray State on Thursday at 7 p.m. Follow Randy Reinhardt on Twitter: @Pg_Reinhardt Be the first to know Get local news delivered to your inbox! Sports Reporter {{description}} Email notifications are only sent once a day, and only if there are new matching items.But the question remains: would you buy it? As consumers, we are constantly bombarded with limited edition releases, collaborations, and tie-ins, each vying for our attention and our wallets. In the case of the "Black Myth: Wukong" x Pepsi-Cola collaboration, the decision to make a purchase ultimately comes down to personal preference and individual interest.panalo999 app



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In the world of football, the Champions League is the pinnacle of club competition, where the best teams from across Europe come together to battle it out for the prestigious title. One of the highly anticipated matchups in the upcoming Champions League season is the clash between Juventus and Manchester City. As the defending champions, Juventus will face a formidable opponent in Manchester City, setting the stage for a thrilling encounter between two powerhouse clubs.OTTAWA — NDP Leader Jagmeet Singh says he won't play Conservative Leader Pierre Poilievre's games by voting to bring down the government on an upcoming non-confidence motion. The Conservatives plan to introduce a motion that quotes Singh's own criticism of the Liberals, and asks the House of Commons to declare that it agrees with Singh and has no confidence in the government. The motion is expected to be introduced on Thursday and the debate and vote are set for Monday. Singh says he is not going to vote non-confidence and trigger an election when he believes Poilievre would cut programs the NDP fought for, like dental care and pharmacare. The non-confidence vote was scheduled after Speaker Greg Fergus intervened to pause a filibuster on a privilege debate about a green technology fund. The Conservatives have said they would only end that debate if the NDP agree to topple the government or if the Liberals turn over unredacted documents at the centre of the parliamentary gridlock. This report by The Canadian Press was first published Dec. 3, 2024. David Baxter, The Canadian PressPLAINS, Ga. (AP) — Newly married and sworn as a Naval officer, left his tiny hometown in 1946 hoping to climb the ranks and see the world. Less than a decade later, the death of his father and namesake, a merchant farmer and local politician who went by “Mr. Earl,” prompted the submariner and his wife, Rosalynn, to return to the rural life of Plains, Georgia, they thought they’d escaped. The lieutenant never would be an admiral. Instead, he became commander in chief. Years after his presidency ended in humbling defeat, he would add a Nobel Peace Prize, awarded not for his White House accomplishments but “for his decades of untiring effort to find peaceful solutions to international conflicts, to advance democracy and human rights, and to promote economic and social development.” The life of James Earl Carter Jr., the 39th and longest-lived U.S. president, ended Sunday at the age of 100 where it began: Plains, the town of 600 that fueled his political rise, welcomed him after his fall and sustained him during 40 years of service that redefined what it means to be a former president. With the stubborn confidence of an engineer and an optimism rooted in his Baptist faith, Carter described his motivations in politics and beyond in the same way: an almost missionary zeal to solve problems and improve lives. Carter was raised amid racism, abject poverty and hard rural living — realities that shaped both his deliberate politics and emphasis on human rights. “He always felt a responsibility to help people,” said Jill Stuckey, a longtime friend of Carter's in Plains. “And when he couldn’t make change wherever he was, he decided he had to go higher.” Defying expectations Carter's path, , pitted moral imperatives against political pragmatism; and it defied typical labels of American politics, especially caricatures of one-term presidents as failures. “We shouldn’t judge presidents by how popular they are in their day. That's a very narrow way of assessing them," Carter biographer Jonathan Alter told the Associated Press. “We should judge them by how they changed the country and the world for the better. On that score, Jimmy Carter is not in the first rank of American presidents, but he stands up quite well.” Later in life, Carter conceded that many Americans, even those too young to remember his tenure, judged him ineffective for failing to contain inflation or interest rates, end the energy crisis or quickly bring home American hostages in Iran. He gained admirers instead for his work at The Carter Center — advocating globally for public health, human rights and democracy since 1982 — and the decades he and Rosalynn wore hardhats and swung hammers with Habitat for Humanity. Yet the common view that he was better after the Oval Office than in it annoyed Carter, and his allies relished him living long enough to see historians reassess his presidency. “He doesn’t quite fit in today’s terms” of a left-right, red-blue scoreboard, said U.S. Transportation Secretary Pete Buttigieg, who visited the former president multiple times during his own White House bid. At various points in his political career, Carter labeled himself “progressive” or “conservative” — sometimes both at once. His most ambitious health care bill failed — perhaps one of his biggest legislative disappointments — because it didn’t go far enough to suit liberals. Republicans, especially after his 1980 defeat, cast him as a left-wing cartoon. It would be easiest to classify Carter as a centrist, Buttigieg said, “but there’s also something radical about the depth of his commitment to looking after those who are left out of society and out of the economy.” ‘Country come to town’ Indeed, Carter’s legacy is stitched with complexities, contradictions and evolutions — personal and political. The self-styled peacemaker was a war-trained Naval Academy graduate who promised Democratic challenger Ted Kennedy that he’d “kick his ass.” But he campaigned with a call to treat everyone with “respect and compassion and with love.” Carter vowed to restore America’s virtue after the shame of Vietnam and Watergate, and his technocratic, good-government approach didn't suit Republicans who tagged government itself as the problem. It also sometimes put Carter at odds with fellow Democrats. The result still was a notable legislative record, with wins on the environment, education, and mental health care. He dramatically expanded federally protected lands, began deregulating air travel, railroads and trucking, and he put human rights at the center of U.S. foreign policy. As a fiscal hawk, Carter added a relative pittance to the national debt, unlike successors from both parties. Carter nonetheless struggled to make his achievements resonate with the electorate he charmed in 1976. Quoting Bob Dylan and grinning enthusiastically, he had promised voters he would “never tell a lie.” Once in Washington, though, he led like a joyless engineer, insisting his ideas would become reality and he'd be rewarded politically if only he could convince enough people with facts and logic. This served him well at Camp David, where he brokered peace between Israel’s Menachem Begin and Epypt’s Anwar Sadat, an experience that later sparked the idea of The Carter Center in Atlanta. Carter's tenacity helped the center grow to a global force that monitored elections across five continents, enabled his freelance diplomacy and sent public health experts across the developing world. The center’s wins were personal for Carter, who hoped to outlive the last Guinea worm parasite, and nearly did. As president, though, the approach fell short when he urged consumers beleaguered by energy costs to turn down their thermostats. Or when he tried to be the nation’s cheerleader, beseeching Americans to overcome a collective “crisis of confidence.” Republican Ronald Reagan exploited Carter's lecturing tone with a belittling quip in their lone 1980 debate. “There you go again,” the former Hollywood actor said in response to a wonky answer from the sitting president. “The Great Communicator” outpaced Carter in all but six states. Carter later suggested he “tried to do too much, too soon” and mused that he was incompatible with Washington culture: media figures, lobbyists and Georgetown social elites who looked down on the as “country come to town.” A ‘leader of conscience’ on race and class Carter carefully navigated divides on race and class on his way to the Oval Office. , Carter was raised in the mostly Black community of Archery, just outside Plains, by a progressive mother and white supremacist father. Their home had no running water or electricity but the future president still grew up with the relative advantages of a locally prominent, land-owning family in a system of Jim Crow segregation. He wrote of President Franklin Roosevelt’s towering presence and his family’s Democratic Party roots, but his father soured on FDR, and Jimmy Carter never campaigned or governed as a New Deal liberal. He offered himself as a small-town peanut farmer with an understated style, carrying his own luggage, bunking with supporters during his first presidential campaign and always using his nickname. And he began his political career in a whites-only Democratic Party. As private citizens, he and Rosalynn supported integration as early as the 1950s and believed it inevitable. Carter refused to join the White Citizens Council in Plains and spoke out in his Baptist church against denying Black people access to worship services. “This is not my house; this is not your house,” he said in a churchwide meeting, reminding fellow parishioners their sanctuary belonged to God. Yet as the appointed chairman of Sumter County schools he never pushed to desegregate, thinking it impractical after the Supreme Court’s 1954 Brown v. Board decision. And while presidential candidate Carter would hail the 1965 Voting Rights Act, signed by fellow Democrat Lyndon Johnson when Carter was a state senator, there is no record of Carter publicly supporting it at the time. Carter overcame a ballot-stuffing opponent to win his legislative seat, then lost the 1966 governor's race to an arch-segregationist. He won four years later by avoiding explicit mentions of race and campaigning to the right of his rival, who he mocked as “Cufflinks Carl” — the insult of an ascendant politician who never saw himself as part the establishment. Carter’s rural and small-town coalition in 1970 would match any victorious Republican electoral map in 2024. Once elected, though, Carter shocked his white conservative supporters — and landed on the cover of Time magazine — by declaring that “the time for racial discrimination is over.” Before making the jump to Washington, Carter befriended the family of slain civil rights leader Martin Luther King Jr., whom he’d never sought out as he eyed the governor’s office. Carter lamented his foot-dragging on school integration as a “mistake.” But he also met, conspicuously, with Alabama's segregationist Gov. George Wallace to accept his primary rival's endorsement ahead of the 1976 Democratic convention. “He very shrewdly took advantage of his own Southerness,” said Amber Roessner, a University of Tennessee professor and expert on Carter’s campaigns. A coalition of Black voters and white moderate Democrats ultimately made Carter the last Democratic presidential nominee to sweep the Deep South. Then, just as he did in Georgia, he used his power in office to appoint more non-whites than all his predecessors had, combined. He once acknowledged “the secret shame” of white Americans who didn’t fight segregation. But he also told Alter that doing more would have sacrificed his political viability – and thus everything he accomplished in office and after. King's daughter, Bernice King, described Carter as wisely “strategic” in winning higher offices to enact change. “He was a leader of conscience,” she said in an interview. Rosalynn was Carter's closest advisor Rosalynn Carter, who at the age of 96, was identified by both husband and wife as the “more political” of the pair; she sat in on Cabinet meetings and urged him to postpone certain priorities, like pressing the Senate to relinquish control of the Panama Canal. “Let that go until the second term,” she would sometimes say. The president, recalled her former aide Kathy Cade, retorted that he was “going to do what’s right” even if “it might cut short the time I have.” Rosalynn held firm, Cade said: “She’d remind him you have to win to govern.” Carter also was the first president to appoint multiple women as Cabinet officers. Yet by his own telling, his career sprouted from chauvinism in the Carters' early marriage: He did not consult Rosalynn when deciding to move back to Plains in 1953 or before launching his state Senate bid a decade later. Many years later, he called it “inconceivable” that he didn’t confer with the woman he described as his “full partner,” at home, in government and at The Carter Center. “We developed a partnership when we were working in the farm supply business, and it continued when Jimmy got involved in politics,” Rosalynn Carter told AP in 2021. So deep was their trust that when Carter remained tethered to the White House in 1980 as 52 Americans were held hostage in Tehran, it was Rosalynn who campaigned on her husband’s behalf. “I just loved it,” she said, despite the bitterness of defeat. Reevaluating his legacy Fair or not, the label of a disastrous presidency had leading Democrats keep their distance, at least publicly, for many years, but Carter managed to remain relevant, writing books and weighing in on societal challenges. He lamented widening wealth gaps and the influence of money in politics. He voted for democratic socialist Bernie Sanders over Hillary Clinton in 2016, and later declared that America had devolved from fully functioning democracy to “oligarchy.” Yet looking ahead to 2020, with Sanders running again, Carter warned Democrats not to lest they help re-elect President Donald Trump. Carter scolded the Republican for his serial lies and threats to democracy, and chided the U.S. establishment for misunderstanding Trump’s populist appeal. He delighted in yearly convocations with Emory University freshmen, often asking them to guess how much he’d raised in his two general election campaigns. “Zero,” he’d gesture with a smile, explaining the public financing system candidates now avoid so they can raise billions. Carter still remained quite practical in partnering with wealthy corporations and foundations to advance Carter Center programs. Carter recognized that economic woes and the Iran crisis doomed his presidency, but offered no apologies for appointing Paul Volcker as the Federal Reserve chairman whose interest rate hikes would not curb inflation until Reagan's presidency. He was proud of getting all the hostages home without starting a shooting war, even though Tehran would not free them until Reagan's Inauguration Day. “Carter didn’t look at it” as a failure, Alter emphasized. “He said, ‘They came home safely.’ And that’s what he wanted.” Well into their 90s, the Carters greeted visitors at Plains’ Maranatha Baptist Church, where he taught Sunday School and where he will have his last funeral before being buried on . Carter, who made the congregation’s collection plates in his woodworking shop, still garnered headlines there, calling for women’s rights within religious institutions, many of which, he said, “subjugate” women in church and society. Carter was not one to dwell on regrets. “I am at peace with the accomplishments, regret the unrealized goals and utilize my former political position to enhance everything we do,” he wrote around his 90th birthday. Pilgrimages to Plains The politician who had supposedly hated Washington politics also enjoyed hosting Democratic presidential contenders as again. Carter sat with Buttigieg for the final time March 1, 2020, hours before the Indiana mayor ended his campaign and endorsed eventual winner Joe Biden. “He asked me how I thought the campaign was going,” Buttigieg said, recalling that Carter flashed his signature grin and nodded along as the young candidate, born a year after Carter left office, “put the best face” on the walloping he endured the day before in South Carolina. Never breaking his smile, the 95-year-old host fired back, “I think you ought to drop out.” “So matter of fact,” Buttigieg said with a laugh. “It was somehow encouraging.” Carter had lived enough, won plenty and lost enough to take the long view. “He talked a lot about coming from nowhere,” Buttigieg said, not just to attain the presidency but to leverage “all of the instruments you have in life” and “make the world more peaceful.” In his farewell address as president, Carter said as much to the country that had embraced and rejected him. “The struggle for human rights overrides all differences of color, nation or language,” he declared. “Those who hunger for freedom, who thirst for human dignity and who suffer for the sake of justice — they are the patriots of this cause.” Carter pledged to remain engaged with and for them as he returned “home to the South where I was born and raised,” home to Plains, where that young lieutenant had indeed become “a fellow citizen of the world.” —- Bill Barrow, based in Atlanta, has covered national politics including multiple presidential campaigns for the AP since 2012. Bill Barrow, The Associated Press

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Raiders find winning formula again in topping SaintsFast forward to the present, and Pep Guardiola, the mastermind behind Manchester City's recent success, is also feeling the strain. In a recent press conference, Guardiola confessed, "I don't have the energy I used to have. The constant grind of managing in the Premier League is starting to take its toll on me." This revelation has raised concerns among fans and pundits alike, as Guardiola's innovative tactics and meticulous approach have made him one of the most respected managers in the game.In conclusion, the fire incident at Alibaba's cloud computing data center underscores the importance of proactive risk management and crisis response in the tech industry. By being transparent, communicative, and resilient in the face of challenges, companies can navigate crises effectively and emerge stronger. As Alibaba addresses the aftermath of the fire and implements preventive measures, the incident serves as a valuable learning opportunity for the entire tech community.

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They are investigating whether his short-lived martial law decree earlier this month amounted to rebellion. The Corruption Investigation Office for High-Ranking Officials, which is leading a joint investigation with police and military authorities into the power grab that lasted only a few hours, confirmed it requested the warrant on Monday. Investigators plan to question Mr Yoon on charges of abuse of authority and orchestrating a rebellion. Mr Yoon has dodged several requests by the joint investigation team and public prosecutors to appear for questioning and has also blocked searches of his offices. It is not clear whether the court will grant the warrant or whether Mr Yoon can be compelled to appear for questioning. Under the country’s laws, locations potentially linked to military secrets cannot be seized or searched without the consent of the person in charge and it is unlikely Mr Yoon will voluntarily leave his residence if he faces detainment. Mr Yoon’s presidential powers were suspended after the National Assembly voted to impeach him on December 14 over his imposition of martial law that lasted only hours but has triggered weeks of political turmoil, halted high-level diplomacy and rattled financial markets. His fate lies with the Constitutional Court, which has begun deliberations on whether to uphold the impeachment and formally remove Mr Yoon from office or reinstate him. Mr Yoon has defended the martial law decree as a necessary act of governance, describing it as a warning against the liberal opposition Democratic Party, which has been bogging down his agenda with its majority in the parliament. Parliament voted last week to also impeach Prime Minister Han Duck-soo, who had assumed the role of acting president after Mr Yoon’s powers were suspended, over his reluctance to fill three Constitutional Court vacancies ahead of the court’s review of Mr Yoon’s case. The country’s new interim leader is Deputy Prime Minister Choi Sang-mok, who is also finance minister.Jon Coupal: New laws coming in the new year Californians need to know aboutNvidia's response to the anti-monopoly investigation in China reflects its dedication to cooperating with regulatory authorities and addressing any concerns that may arise. The company's proactive approach to compliance and commitment to fair competition will be crucial in resolving the investigation and maintaining its reputation as a responsible corporate citizen.

The Portuguese tactician's words carry significant weight, given his illustrious career in football management. With multiple league titles and Champions League trophies to his name, Mourinho is a respected figure in the industry, and his opinions hold sway among fans, players, and fellow managers alike.

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